Elite sport, especially on display at large-scale televised events, can provide a site for social and political messaging, including in the form of support, dissent, or opposition. One of the most iconic examples of dissent occurred at the 1968 Mexico City Olympics when successful US athletes John Carlos and Tommie Smith, supported by Australian silver medal winner Peter Norman, took a symbolic stand against the deep and pervasive oppression of African Americans.  In more recent times, and in the wake of the Russian military invasion of Ukraine in early 2022, around Europe some sports stadiums witnessed fans flying Ukrainian flags: representing condemnation of Russia and support for Ukraine.

Recognition of the wider history and presence of social, political, and ideological messaging in sport provides context for reflection on supporters of Celtic Football Club in Scotland, and their decades long practice of flying Palestinian flags, referencing the ongoing conflict involving Palestinians and the Israeli state. The low-level activism of these supporters, who although living over 4000 kilometres away and having no historical or contemporary religious or ethnic connection to any of the main communities or nationalities in Palestine, intends to offer symbolic, moral, and political backing for the Palestinian people. However, in the context of recent European history, it is worth asking whether this support for Palestinians also entails antisemitism.

Generally, research demonstrates the widespread contemporary presence of anti-Jewish hostility, antagonism, and racism in sport in numerous countries. Social science researcher Emma Poulton, who has written on soccer fan cultures, has noted various nuances with regard to what constitutes antisemitism. In this light, in considering the pro-Palestinian political activism of Celtic supporters and the possible corresponding presence of antisemitism in Scottish football, my recent research demonstrates the complexity of antisemitism, real or imagined, as well as its potential to be used as a political tool in relation to the current conflict in the Middle East.

Having previously researched and written about nationalism and ethno-religious identities in and around football in Scotland, a year prior to the recent demoralising escalation of the Middle Eastern conflict, I conducted a small-scale qualitative styled survey amongst Celtic supporters to gain insight regarding Palestinian flags and the noted potential antisemitism. Thirty-one responses were constituted by 23 men and 8 women. The ages of respondents included two under 25, six aged 26-39, and 23 over age 40. Around half of Celtic fans completing the survey held professional occupations and approximately two thirds were season ticket holders. Initially, with a view to building understanding and knowledge about these topics, respondents were asked to rank which ethnic and religious groups generally in Scotland they thought faced most hostility. In the context of avoiding reference to British/Scottish Protestants and immigrant Irish descended Catholics—a relevant significant historical and contemporary reference there—Muslims (45%), Pakistanis (23%), and English (16%) constituted most responses. Two-thirds of Pakistanis in Scotland are Muslim and Celtic respondents see this group of Pakistanis and Muslims (at 77,000/1.4% of the population and of similar size to Jews) as subject to what they believe as the most expressed ethno-religious hostility and prejudice.

The main rationale for this enquiry was to focus on perceptions of Jews and the state of Israel, and to see if these are inextricably linked or in some way distinct in the eyes of supporters. Celtic followers’ responses indicated a clear majority stating they were ‘emotionally and morally sympathetic with respect to Jewish people’s historical oppression and suffering’.  Only 7% said they were not sympathetic, 25% were generally sympathetic, and 68% said they were ‘strongly’ sympathetic. Relatedly, participants were also asked if they thought it possible to distinguish between the oppression of Jewish people in recent European history and the modern Israeli State. All but one answered ‘yes’ to this question with 80% stating ‘yes strongly’.

Fans were invited to express which side they believed was primarily/mostly responsible for the conflict in terms of Israelis and Palestinians. Only one person said both were equally to blame, with all others stating the Israeli State was culpable. One respondent said in a caveat, ‘If you go deeper into the origins of the conflict, you could assert that other players are responsible e.g. the UK in helping to establish the State [of Israel]’. Celtic supporters were asked if they agreed or disagreed with flying—sometimes hundreds—of Palestinian flags at Celtic games. A definitive nine out of ten said they agreed.

Celtic supporters were also asked about antisemitism. Their answers demonstrated a perception of this as constituting ‘discrimination, hate and hostility’ against people that are Jewish and/or have the Jewish faith as part of their socio-cultural and religious identities.

Eighty-eight percent of respondents also agreed with the statement that ‘the Israeli State is oppressing the Palestinian people and breaking much international law’. Such understanding of which ethno-religious community is being persecuted in this conflict provides for most supporters the rationale for flying Palestinian flags at Celtic games.

For around three decades some, and occasionally many, Palestinian flags have flown amongst Celtic FC supporters. Other than at Celtic, recurrently, collectively, and conspicuously, the activism involved in exhibiting these flags does not happen amongst fans at any other elite football club in Britain. That this occurs at Celtic can only be understood in the context of the Irish-Catholic immigrant ethno-religious origins, nature, and socio-political culture of much of the historical and traditional Celtic support.

This research reveals and highlights Celtic supporters’ backing for the perceived plight of Palestinians, seen as being economically, socially, culturally, religiously, politically, and militarily oppressed by the State of Israel. These views are dominant within the group surveyed and by many other Celtic fans via their stated or unstated attitudes and actions in actively, passively backing, or at least not contesting, their fellow supporters flag flying. This was spectacularly demonstrated when in response to a UEFA fine for the club, because fans flew the Palestinian flag at a 2016 European Champions League match, many supporters responded by raising much more than the actual UEFA fine, which was donated to Palestinian charitable, cultural, and sports projects.

Revealingly, surveyed fans do not equate opposing the plight of the Palestinians as being against Jewish people or the Jewish faith. For them, standing up for Palestinians is not antisemitic. Based on support for fans flying the Palestinian flag, the thoughts and words expressed through answers to the survey, and further substantiated by other fan authored writings, Celtic supporters do not conflate antisemitism with criticism of the State of Israel. Indeed, they are more likely to actively express disassociation of one from the other. In the eyes of Celtic supporters, what they have clearly and profoundly opposed, and demonstrated this over at least the past three decades, is the eradication of tens of thousands of Palestinian lives, and millions of others rendered disabled, starving, landless, and homeless, in this desperate and despairing conflict.

Author Biographical Note:

Dr. Joseph M. Bradley is an Associate Tutor and researcher at the University of Edinburgh, Scotland, UK. He has authored, joint authored, and edited several books, and written numerous journal and newspaper articles on sports connections with ethnic, national and religious identities, prejudice and post-colonial relationships.