health

Disability and (In)Accessibility in American Churches

Anastasia Dulle on December 2, 2025

A gothic style church door, with stone steps leading inside. Gothic Church Entrance with Ornate Wooden Doors by Zak H is licensed under CC BY 2.0 in pexels.

Religious institutions such as churches, mosques, religious schools, and religious organizations are not required to follow Title III of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA). Recently, reports have suggested this poses a barrier to voting for many disabled Americans, since churches make up 20% of polling places nationally. While inaccessibility is certainly not unique to religious institutions, these barriers evoke important questions regarding the experiences of disabled Americans in religious spaces.

How Accessible are Religious Congregations?

The state of accessibility varies widely among religious congregations around the country. (Notably, most research on congregational accessibility in the U.S. focuses on Christian churches and does not include other faith communities). Even though religious institutions are not required to follow ADA accessibility standards, many congregations have become more accessible in the decades since the ADA was signed into law. Larger churches typically have more accessibility features (like ramps into buildings or up to altars, accessible toilets, sign language interpreters, or large print materials) than smaller congregations. Additionally, churches whose leaders received some kind of training about supporting people with disabilities tend to be significantly more accessible. While the popularity of livestreaming services online, especially since the COVID-19 pandemic, has made many churches’ teachings more widely available, congregations that lack other forms of accommodation continue to be physically inaccessible to many.

Other Barriers to Participation and Inclusion

Many people with disabilities also experience significant social barriers to inclusion in religious communities. The prejudice against people with disabilities that exists throughout society influences norms and interactions in congregations as well, often in forms of paternalism or exclusion. Additionally, illness and disability are often treated as sinful. This is visible in unsolicited prayers for the supernatural healing of disabled people, teachings that people would be cured of their disabilities if they had more faith, and worship songs that celebrate ideas such as there being “no lame” in heaven. The degree to which religious congregations accept and include people with disabilities profoundly impacts disabled people’s experiences and perceptions of the community, their place within it, and even the religion more broadly.

Efforts toward Inclusion and Reform

Individuals and congregations who have advocated for inclusion and justice for people with disabilities have emphasized the need for religious communities to take on new understandings and theologies of disability. These efforts often draw on resources from their faith traditions about the inherent value of people with disabilities and the need for their inclusion and care. Such advocacy typically portrays disability as a social issue rather than an individual issue, which compels people to view disability in terms of social justice rather than charity or pity.

The American Journal of Unfinished Sociology

AJUS Editorial Team on April 1, 2025

About Us

AJUS is dedicated to the proposition that every idea deserves a platform. We welcome dissertation chapters, voice memos, vague thoughts, lecture notes, and data analysis that speaks for itself. Use your sociological imagination.

Manuscript Types

  1. Theoretical Speculations – Wildly ambitious frameworks with no empirical evidence.
  2. Data? – Raw numbers in an Excel file, preferably unformatted.
  3. Ethnographic Musings – 1-2 notes jotted down on a used napkin.
  4. Methodological Hot Takes – No actual study, just vibes.
  5. Unfinished Dissertations – Someone, someday might just read it.

Submission Guidelines

  1. Proposing sociological questions?
  2. Fully conceptualized, partially completed work is acceptable.
  3. Include 1+ cite(s) you “meant to look up later.”Placeholders and “TBD” acceptable.
  4. Feature tables and figures that may or may not be related to the topic.
  5. Write the conclusion at 2 AM, ideally over- or under-caffeinated.
  6. ORCHID ID required.

Formatting Requirements

  1. Length: We encourage all manuscripts to be between 500 words and wherever your heart tells you to stop.
  2. Proofreeding optional.
  3. Font: Something not so basic, expand your horizons.
  4. Citations: Surprise us. APA, MLA, CFG, SSD, GHD, DGD, NFL, NHL, KCF… 
  5. Abstract: Don’t be too, somewhat vague.
  6. References: Don’t forget anyone, because we will send it to whomever you forget to cite…

References: Don’t forget anyone, because we will look through and will send it to whomever you forgot to cite…

Peer Review Process

All submissions will undergo our patented Mega-Triple-Blind Peer Review System™, where:

  1. The authors forget what they wrote.
  2. The reviewers skim the abstract and pick 1 or 2 arbitrary things to call out.
  3. The editors decide based on their breakfast.

We guarantee comprehensive feedback (e.g., “Interesting…” and “?”).

If your paper is rejected, you may submit an appeal by:

  1. Resending the same manuscript in a different font.
  2. Signing an affidavit attesting that “Foucault would have accepted this.”
  3. Threatening to start your own journal.

How to Submit:

Send your completed-ish manuscript via:

  1. A blurry PDF screenshot in an email attachment labeled “Final_Draft_3_(Actually_Final).doc”
  2. A Google Doc with unresolved comments.
  3. Mail.
  4. AJUS Signal Editors Only Group Chat.
  5. Give us a call and read it aloud: ‪(715) 600-2187‬ (after 10:33 PM only)

2025 Issue | Outside the Box Thinkers

Zodiac Sign Predicts Happiness

Social Isolation and “Loneliness” of Young Adults

Jacob Otis on March 6, 2025

A young woman sitting on her couch with her laptop, drinking coffee alone.  Image by Vlada Karpovich from Pexels is licensed under Pexels license.

Stories of young people self-isolating frequent national headlines, with The Atlantic, NPR, Fox, The New York Times and others shedding light on this growing pattern. Loneliness, an inherent source of human anxiety, has been tied to many negative health impacts and societal level ripple effects. But, understanding this trend thoroughly is important to start addressing it – and that’s where social science comes in.

Loneliness

30-something year old, single man living in his parents basement, watching television or playing video games. Or the female equivalent, a single woman generously pampering her pet(s) and posting it online for the world to see. However, while young people are spending more time at home, researchers have also found that they are also more likely to eat out at restaurants, exercise at the gym, and volunteer. In other words, we think young people are lonely — in a traditional sense.

So why do some young adults appear to withdraw from social life? One key factor is the stigma surrounding unemployment, traditional employment, and not enrolling in higher education, which has been linked to social withdrawal. Many individuals fear being judged for their job or student status, leading them to disengage from social interactions. Additionally, lower income levels can amplify feelings of inadequacy compared to their peers. Another major contributor is poor physical and mental health, which can create a cycle: declining health leads to isolation, and in turn, isolation worsens overall well-being.

And of course…technology. Some research has called out how excessive reliance on technology for connection has reduced face-to-face connections, weakening relationships and increasing feelings of loneliness. However, technology can also expand social networks by enabling connections across distances, providing support and interaction that might not be physically possible otherwise. Yet, online communities can devolve into arenas for cyberbullying and harassment, leading to significant psychological distress and even radicalization. Nonetheless, online forums are not going anywhere and must be considered in discussion.

Addressing Loneliness

This pattern of apparent, increased loneliness began decades again, first beginning to build momentum in the 1970s. Robert Putnam’s Bowling Alone was an early warning bell of how the erosion of civic engagement, social networks, and the increase of technology are contributing to a world where it’s not easy to make and maintain face-to-face connections. This, in turn, has led to a now audible historical echo of an increase in individualism and lack of civic engagement now in the 2020s.

Research on clinical interventions for extreme loneliness, such as intensive socialization programs for young people, has largely shown these efforts to be ineffective—underscoring the need for broader, societal improvements. Experts argue that investing in social infrastructure—such as schools, libraries, museums, and sports facilities—can create shared spaces that encourage natural, meaningful interactions. Additionally, technology policies should be designed to enhance (rather than replace) in-person engagement, address concerns over excessive screen time, online toxicity, and the decline of face-to-face relationships.

However, while some view this shift as inherently negative, some see it as a reflection of changing preferences, where physical solitude and selective socialization are embraced rather than feared. From this perspective, the rise of personal digital communication, remote work, and independent lifestyles can be seen as expanding social choice rather than simply signaling social decline.

Some Memorial Day Sociology

jake on May 24, 2024

A military cemetery. Photo by Pixabay under Pexels license.

Memorial Day Shout Out to the Silent Ranks from Sociological Images on Memorial Day and the significance of how the mothers of U.S. service members during the war on terrorism, who, along with other family members, form the “silent ranks” providing crucial homefront support despite the largely gendered expectations and limited recognition they receive.

Shifting Memories and Meanings of Pearl Harbor by Jillian LaBranche writes on how iconic events like Pearl Harbor shape American identity and understanding of current events, with collective memories constructed and evolving through social institutions and contemporary interests.

Indirect Effects of Combat on Veterans’ Health by Allison Nobles on research by Jason Schnittker, looking into the new policy on how Veterans Affairs now lets veterans seek non-VA care to reduce long wait times. Research shows veterans’ poor health is more linked to difficulties in civilian life, social relationships, and smoking than direct combat injuries or PTSD, highlighting the need for comprehensive support.

The Marks of War by Letta Page covers the work of Jason Deitch, a UC-Berkeley PhD and veteran, who collaborated with the California State Library and others on the “War Ink” project, interviewing tattooed veterans to share their stories and emotions through their tattoos, aiming to bridge the gap between veterans and their communities and reduce their isolation.

Some Black History Month Sociology

jake on February 28, 2024

A Black woman walking on a sidewalk. Photo by Ono Kosuki under Pexels license.

Black History Month was expanded in 1976 upon the historical precedence of “Negro History Week” in 1926 by Carter G. Woodson, the second Black American to receive a Ph.D. from Havard (with the first Black American being W.E.B. Du Bois). In honor of Black History Month, here are a few pieces from The Society Pages and our partners over the last year:

Contexts

Council on Contemporary Families

The Society Pages

Some Valentine’s Day Sociology

jake on February 14, 2024

Two people wearing jeans and white T-shirts holding hands. Photo by cottonbro studios from Pexels under Pexels license.

Here are some recent pieces on love, relationships, dating expectations, and more on Valentine’s Day from us and our partners.

Happy Valentine’s Day to all our new and old readers from TSP!

Best of 2023: Not Just a Monolith: Complicating Asian American Identity

Shania Kuo on December 27, 2023

A large city at night, with colorful lights illuminating the cityscape. Photo by Wolfram from Pexels under Pexels license.

From Hollywood actors to community activists and literary writers, Asian Americans have been gaining increasing visibility on public platforms. However, given that Asian Americans come from over 20 ethnic and national groups, there is variety and diversity in history, language, culture, and experience that the umbrella term “Asian American” cannot encompass. Over time, in fact, Asian Americans have been lumped into a monolithic culture and stereotypes typically associated with East Asians, erasing the diversity that is a crucial part of Asian America. 

What does it mean to be “Asian American” in the United States? How are Asian Americans defying, redefining, and embracing this ambiguous and monolithic label? 

Immigration and Asian Americans

Asian Americans and their immigration to the United States have always been an important part of the history of the United States. Ethnic groups like Chinese and Japanese Americans have been around since the gold rush and sugarcane fields of Hawaii respectively. Other groups, especially Southeast Asian refugees, came to the United States as a result of colonialism and war. It is important to acknowledge how these different histories compose and have shaped Asian American identities, cultures, and communities.

  • Lee, Erika. 2015. “A Part and Apart: Asian American and Immigration History.” Journal of American Ethnic History 34(4):28–42. 
  • Lee, Erika. 2016. The Making of Asian America: A History. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster.

Panethnicity

Panethnicity refers to any collective identity built across ethnic boundaries and differences (Okamoto and Mora 2014). For Asian Americans, panethnicity was created as a political identity for activism and solidarity among Asian-origin peoples in the face of a deeply racialized United States. In more recent decades, “Asian American” has become an identity for Asian Americans to share in panethnic cultural histories, activities, and media. However, it has also become an identity forced upon Asian-origin peoples, where entities like the government group all Asian-origin ethnicities under this broad umbrella term to distinguish them from both White people and other people of color.

  • Lee, Jess. 2019. “Many dimensions of Asian American pan‐ethnicity.” Sociology Compass 13(12). 
  • Nakano, Dana Y. 2013. “An interlocking panethnicity: The negotiation of multiple identities among Asian American social movement leaders.” Sociological Perspectives 56(4):569-595.
  • Okamoto, Dina G. 2014. Redefining race: Asian American panethnicity and shifting ethnic boundaries. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.
  • Okamoto, Dina, and G. Cristina Mora. 2014. “Panethnicity.” Annual Review of Sociology 40:219-239.Espiritu, Yen Le. 1992. Asian American panethnicity: Bridging institutions and identities. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.

The Monolithic “Asian American” – Commonalities and Variations

In recent decades, “Asian American” as a panethnic category has also become a point of contention for people who are categorized and racialized as such. Many ethnic groups, like South Asian ethnic groups, feel unrepresented in an umbrella category that seems to predominantly reflect East Asian culture, values, experiences, and socio-cultural status. An example of this is the “model minority” stereotype, which upholds Asian Americans as hard-working and high achieving in comparison to other racial minority groups, and yet still inferior and a threat to White people (Kim 1999). However, the model minority is often in reference to East Asians (although depending on the context this can also include Asian Indians and Vietnamese), ignoring the disparities many Asian Americans like South and Southeast Asians experience.

As a result, there have been calls to disaggregate, or break down, Asian Americans by ethnic groups because of how this monolithic racial label camouflages the vast differences and inequities between Asian American groups. Examples include the income gaps between groups like Chinese Americans and Nepalese Americans, and even within ethnic groups, like Chinese Americans, there are vastly different and unequal experiences. 

  • Kibria, Nadia. 1998. “The contested meanings of ‘Asian American’: Racial dilemmas in the contemporary US.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 21(5), 939-958.
  • Lee, Jennifer, and Karthick Ramakrishnan. 2020. “Who counts as Asian.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 43(10):1733-1756.
  • Tsuda, Takeyuki. 2022. “I Don’t Feel Very Asian American”: Why Aren’t Japanese Americans More Panethnic?” Sociological Inquiry 92: 919-942. 
  • Yamashita, Liann. 2022. ““I just couldn’t relate to that Asian American narrative”: How Southeast Asian Americans reconsider panethnicity.” Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 8(2):250-266

Xenophobia and Anti-Asian Racism

Asian Americans continue to face xenophobic sentiments in a country where, no matter who is included or how long their family has been in the US, they are treated as foreigners (Tuan 1998). Even when praised as “model minorities” who “made it” compared to other minority groups, this valorized position can quickly crumble beneath them. The COVID-19 pandemic and the rise of anti-Asian hate that followed is an example of Asian Americans’ tenuous position in the racialized hierarchy of the United States. 

  • Kim, Claire Jean. 1999. “The Racial Triangulation of Asian Americans.” Politics & Society 27(1):105-138. 
  • Kim, Nadia. 2007. “Asian Americans’ experiences of “race” and racism.” In Handbooks of the Sociology of Racial and Ethnic Relations, pp. 131-144. Boston, MA: Springer US.
  • Tessler, Hannah, Meera Choi, and Grace Kao. 2020. “The anxiety of being Asian American: Hate crimes and negative biases during the COVID-19 pandemic.” American Journal of Criminal Justice 45:636-646.
  • Tuan, Mia. 1998. Forever Foreigners or Honorary Whites? The Asian Ethnic Experience Today. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. 

Best of 2022: Uncertainty, Work, and Emotions

Daniel Cueto-Villalobos on January 11, 2023
A man sits in front of a document, cup of coffee, and laptop, his head resting in his hands. Sunlight streams through a window to the left. Image used under CC0

Originally published March 30, 2022.

Today “help wanted” signs are commonplace; restaurants, shops, and cafes have temporarily closed or have cut back on hours due to staffing shortages. “Nobody wants to work,” the message goes. Some businesses now offer higher wages, benefits, and other incentives to draw in low-wage workers. All the same, “the great resignation” has been met with alarm across the country, from the halls of Congress to the ivory tower.

In America, where work is seen as virtuous, widespread resignations are certainly surprising.  How does so many are walking away from their jobs differ from what we’ve observed in the past, particularly in terms of frustrations about labor instability, declining benefits, and job insecurity? Sociological research on work, precarity, expectations, and emotions provides cultural context on the specificity and significance of “the great resignation.”

Individualism and Work

The importance of individualism in American culture is clear in the workplace. Unlike after World War II, when strong labor unions and a broad safety net ensured reliable work and ample benefits (for mostly white workers), instability and precarity are hallmarks of today’s workplace. A pro-work, individualist ethos values individual’s flexibility, adaptability, and “hustle.” When workers are laid off due to shifting market forces and the profit motives of corporate executives, workers internalize the blame. Instead of blaming executives for prioritizing stock prices over workers, or organizing to demand more job security, the cultural emphasis on individual responsibility encourages workers to devote their energy into improving themselves and making themselves more attractive for the jobs that are available.

Expectations and Experiences

For many, the pandemic offered a brief glimpse into a different world of work with healthier work-life balance and temporary (if meaningful) government assistance. Why and how have American workers come to expect unpredictable work conditions and meager benefits? The bipartisan, neoliberal consensus that took hold in the latter part of the twentieth century saw a reduction in government intervention into the social sphere. At the same time, a bipartisan pro-business political agenda reshaped how workers thought of themselves and their employers. Workers became individualistic actors or “companies of one” who looked out for themselves and their own interests instead of fighting for improved conditions. Today’s “precariat” – the broad class of workers facing unstable and precarious work – weather instability by expecting little from employers or the government while demanding more of themselves.

Generational Changes

Researchers have identified generational differences in expectations of work. Survey data shows that Baby Boomers experience greater difficulty with workplace instability and the emerging individualist ethos. On the other hand, younger generations – more accustomed to this precarity – manage the tumult with greater skill. These generational disparities in how insecurity is perceived have real implications for worker well-being and family dynamics.

Emotions

Scholars have also examined the central role emotions play in setting expectations of work and employers, as well as the broad realm of “emotional management” industries that help make uncertainty bearable for workers. Instead of improving workplace conditions for workers, these “emotional management” industries provide “self-care” resources that put the burden of managing the despair and anxiety of employment uncertainty on employees themselves, rather than companies.

From the #TSPClassics Collection: The Challenges of Motherhood

Mahala Miller on May 5, 2022

Mother’s day is a good opportunity to surprise your mom with breakfast in bed, flowers, or a gift. It’s also a good opportunity to reflect on the challenges of motherhood, particularly in the United States, and consider how both individual and social change can help all mothers continue to thrive. We’ve rounded up some TSP classics, and some great scholarship on motherhood we haven’t covered, that puts contemporary motherhood in context.

Moms do More at Home

Although gender norms in the United States have changed considerably over the past half century, moms are still primarily responsible for raising children. Most moms are expected to figure out how to balance full-time work and motherhood. Moms must make it work when these responsibilities conflict, like when the covid-19 pandemic shut down public schools, leaving millions of children without daytime care. 

Although ostensibly gender norms are changing in heterosexual couples, mothers spend more time caring for children and doing housework than their male partners, even when both partners work outside of the home. The “second shift” of work that moms do at home includes the “cognitive labor” of managing and scheduling family members’ time. For instance, scheduling vacations, or doctors appointments for family members. 

Mothering Intensively and Alone

In the absence of public support for parenthood, It is particularly challenging for low-income moms to handle the responsibility of motherhood. The problem is not only that welfare support and childcare provisions are extremely limited in the United States; making matters worse, American culture tends to blame low income moms for their poverty and heavily scrutinizes the parenting decisions of poor moms put in tough positions and struggling to make ends meet for their families.

Another factor that makes parenting challenging for all moms are beliefs “ideal motherhood.”  Mothers are expected to mother “intensively,” devoting considerable time, energy, money, and emotion to their children. Although some parents wax nostalgic about their own childhoods, when they played independently with neighborhood children until the streetlights came on, or were “latch-key” kids free to play video games or watch television until their parents returned from work, they are now investing considerable amounts of time and energy in packed schedules of activities for their children and discipline through negotiation.

Diverse Moms, Different Experiences

Sociological research has also shown that “intensive mothering” and a focus on nuclear two-parent households may not accurately reflect the experiences of all mothers. For instance, Patricia Hill Collins talks about “collective mothering,” or how Black women rely on communities of caregivers and the work of “other moms” to help raise their children in a hostile society. Dawn Marie Dow also emphasizes that black motherhood is not necessarily incompatible with professional responsibilities, and black mothers have long had to balance work outside of their own home with the responsibilities of motherhood.

Sociological research also shows that for some moms, the expectations that the institutions of social life have for “good motherhood” don’t fit with their reality. They experience challenging situations that require them to, for instance, prioritize the safety of their children or make tough decisions about what expenses they can cover for their child. Some moms use “inventive mothering” to figure out how to meet their children’s basic needs for, for instance, diapers. Disabled moms and black moms are particularly vulnerable to being seen as “risky” for failing to live up to the ideals of motherhood, experiencing increased surveillance and punishment from doctors’ offices, schools, and child welfare workers. 

Black mothers, in particular, worry about the safety of their children in a world that often views black children as a threat, particularly black boys. Black mothers’ worry about their children experiencing racism can negatively impact their health. Cynthia G. Colen and colleagues found that children’s experiences of discrimination harmed black mother’s health. 

Gendered expectations of women also create challenges for women who cannot or do not want to become mothers. Women that experience infertility experience stigma, or the sense that there is something marked or discrediting about them that contributes to others’ negative perception of them. Women who are “childfree by choice” also experience stigma. 

Political and Personal Solutions?

Policy changes could ease some of the challenges mothers face. For instance, research shows that there is a smaller “happiness gap” between parents and non-parents in countries with more generous public support for raising children. Mothers also feel less guilt in countries with better social and economic support for parenthood. More generous welfare provisions could help working-class moms better meet their children’s basic needs. 

Within families, couples can work towards greater equality of responsibilities. However, studies show that most young people still expect mothers to do the majority of housework and childcare. Even when young women anticipate having more gender equality in household labor, actually implementing more egalitarian schedules proves difficult, particularly for working-class women. 

Uncertainty, Work, and Emotions

Daniel Cueto-Villalobos on March 30, 2022
A man sits in front of a document, cup of coffee, and laptop, his head resting in his hands. Sunlight streams through a window to the left. Image used under CC0.

Today “help wanted” signs are commonplace; restaurants, shops, and cafes have temporarily closed or have cut back on hours due to staffing shortages. “Nobody wants to work,” the message goes. Some businesses now offer higher wages, benefits, and other incentives to draw in low-wage workers. All the same, “the great resignation” has been met with alarm across the country, from the halls of Congress to the ivory tower.

In America, where work is seen as virtuous, widespread resignations are certainly surprising.  How does so many are walking away from their jobs differ from what we’ve observed in the past, particularly in terms of frustrations about labor instability, declining benefits, and job insecurity? Sociological research on work, precarity, expectations, and emotions provides cultural context on the specificity and significance of “the great resignation.”

Individualism and Work

The importance of individualism in American culture is clear in the workplace. Unlike after World War II, when strong labor unions and a broad safety net ensured reliable work and ample benefits (for mostly white workers), instability and precarity are hallmarks of today’s workplace. A pro-work, individualist ethos values individual’s flexibility, adaptability, and “hustle.” When workers are laid off due to shifting market forces and the profit motives of corporate executives, workers internalize the blame. Instead of blaming executives for prioritizing stock prices over workers, or organizing to demand more job security, the cultural emphasis on individual responsibility encourages workers to devote their energy into improving themselves and making themselves more attractive for the jobs that are available.

Expectations and Experiences

For many, the pandemic offered a brief glimpse into a different world of work with healthier work-life balance and temporary (if meaningful) government assistance. Why and how have American workers come to expect unpredictable work conditions and meager benefits? The bipartisan, neoliberal consensus that took hold in the latter part of the twentieth century saw a reduction in government intervention into the social sphere. At the same time, a bipartisan pro-business political agenda reshaped how workers thought of themselves and their employers. Workers became individualistic actors or “companies of one” who looked out for themselves and their own interests instead of fighting for improved conditions. Today’s “precariat” – the broad class of workers facing unstable and precarious work – weather instability by expecting little from employers or the government while demanding more of themselves.

Generational Changes

Researchers have identified generational differences in expectations of work. Survey data shows that Baby Boomers experience greater difficulty with workplace instability and the emerging individualist ethos. On the other hand, younger generations – more accustomed to this precarity – manage the tumult with greater skill. These generational disparities in how insecurity is perceived have real implications for worker well-being and family dynamics.

Emotions

Scholars have also examined the central role emotions play in setting expectations of work and employers, as well as the broad realm of “emotional management” industries that help make uncertainty bearable for workers. Instead of improving workplace conditions for workers, these “emotional management” industries provide “self-care” resources that put the burden of managing the despair and anxiety of employment uncertainty on employees themselves, rather than companies.