Memorial Day Shout Out to the Silent Ranks from Sociological Images on Memorial Day and the significance of how the mothers of U.S. service members during the war on terrorism, who, along with other family members, form the “silent ranks” providing crucial homefront support despite the largely gendered expectations and limited recognition they receive.
Shifting Memories and Meanings of Pearl Harbor by Jillian LaBranche writes on how iconic events like Pearl Harbor shape American identity and understanding of current events, with collective memories constructed and evolving through social institutions and contemporary interests.
Indirect Effects of Combat on Veterans’ Health by Allison Nobles on research by Jason Schnittker, looking into the new policy on how Veterans Affairs now lets veterans seek non-VA care to reduce long wait times. Research shows veterans’ poor health is more linked to difficulties in civilian life, social relationships, and smoking than direct combat injuries or PTSD, highlighting the need for comprehensive support.
The Marks of War by Letta Page covers the work of Jason Deitch, a UC-Berkeley PhD and veteran, who collaborated with the California State Library and others on the “War Ink” project, interviewing tattooed veterans to share their stories and emotions through their tattoos, aiming to bridge the gap between veterans and their communities and reduce their isolation.
A college campus with people protesting and holding signs on the entrance steps. Photo by Brett Sayles from Pexels under Pexels license.
This week, pro-Palestinian protests are occurring in many U.S. colleges and universities in response to the conflict in the Gaza Strip and surrounding areas. Students supporting Palestinians are building encampments, occupying buildings, and marching on and off campuses to advocate for a ceasefire, peace, and divestment in Israel’s military. At the same time, other students are reporting continued antisemitic incidents on campuses. As these demonstrations continue and grow, history tells us that increased police presence may lead to more conflict on campuses. In light of these real-time developments, we here at TSP wanted to share a few pieces from us and others on the important role that college campuses and students serve in starting conversations and social change in broader society.
First Hand Faculty Experiences on Campus Issues
Mass Movements; Moral Moments by Donna Gabaccia reflects on her first-hand experience as a faculty member during an incident of police abuse in Minneapolis, recalling a distressing scene where a young Black teenager was unjustly detained by police in a library.
Young Adults and Social Structure of Protests
When Youth Become Activists by Amber Joy Powell writes up some research on the nationwide youth-led movement advocating for stricter gun control in 2018, demonstrating the significant impact young activists can have using modern tools like social media to enhance their cause.
in brief: close to the issue by Parker Muzzerall on how proximity to protests, such as the Occupy Central Movement in Hong Kong, increases support for the movement and shifts political ideologies leftward among nearby residents, despite the disruptions caused.
Mizzou and Millennial tolerance for shutting down free speech by Lisa Wade coverage of the 2015 surge of student activism on issues of racism and changes on funding and resignations, while sparking debates about free speech and highlighting trends showing that Millennials are increasingly supportive of government censorship of speech offensive to minorities.
Public Opinion and Tolerance (or lack of) on Campus Protests and Academic Freedom in Sociology
Two women sitting side-by-side with laptops in front of them, glancing at each other after reading something shocking. Photo by Resume Genius from Upsplash.
Intro and History
Several subcultures exist online dedicated to hating women, collectively known as the “manosphere.” These communities hold different perspectives on how they should operate in society based on their shared belief in the Red Pill, the belief that we live in a “Gynocracy” (a society dominated by women that discriminates against men).
Some of these subcultures focus on trying to “prove” their negative views of women by presenting themselves as scientifically knowledgeable. Others focus on more explicitly bigoted and violent language. “Incels” believe that they are involuntarily celibate thanks to societal injustice. Another manosphere group, “Men Going Their Own Way” (MGTOW), takes a different approach to women and tries to avoid women and female institutions altogether.
While many online misogynists solely focus on hating women, others have become more broadly political. For example, many members of the manosphere backed Donald Trump for the US presidency. However, at times, members of the manosphere have come into conflict with other right-wing extremists. Some white nationalists, for instance, believe they should “protect” white women, while manosphere members are often more explicitly hateful towards white women.
Although the first department of sociology was established in the late 19th century, the discipline remains difficult to define. For those outside of the field, Sociology is often confused with social work or even socialism. But even among sociologists, there have been lasting debates about what constitutes and defines the discipline, its object(s) of study, and its unique way of viewing the world. Even its status as a science is a perennial question: should sociological observations be considered objective facts as in the natural sciences, or will social realities always be subjective and biased? The recent policy changes in Florida’s higher education curriculum have caused sociology insiders and outsiders alike to ask if it’s a science and what sort of utility it has in the real world.
Though the attacks on sociology by politicians and policymakers have made headlines recently, lambasting higher education is nothing new in American politics. Since the late 1960s, sociologists and other scholars have been studying anti-intellectualism – holding distrustful and disparaging attitudes towards experts and respected scientists – in the United States. Acclaimed historian Dr. Richard Hoffstadter famously published Anti-Intellectualism in American Life in 1963, which in part argued that the construction of intellectuals as ‘elite’ members of society diminishes their reputation as trustworthy amongst the general public. This framing makes them a target for politicians who claim to ‘represent the people,’ and can transform generally accepted scientific theories into potent political wedge issues.
The internet’s inception has significantly impacted the form and salience of anti-intellectualism in American society. The racial, social, and economic inequalities that continue to afflict the country have become exceedingly visible through online media. The internet has also provided a platform for creating false and misleading content and its widespread distribution and dissemination. The convoluted flurry of articles, figures, and ‘facts’ uploaded to social media and news websites has given anti-intellectualism a contemporary twist that researchers from all scholarly fields must confront if they haven’t already.
Sociology often forces us to confront uncomfortable or inconvenient truths about social life. This makes the social sciences a target for politicians seeking an academic scapegoat or those embroiled in the anti-intellectualism movement. Despite these efforts, sociology remains a discipline of deep theoretical foundations and valuable scholarship in the search for knowledge, shared realities, and truth. One of the major subdisciplines in the field is the Sociology of Knowledge which is concerned with knowledge production in society and how we collectively construct our societies.
While attacks on the discipline have been motivated mainly by political conservatives in the United States, it’s important to note that no one political ideology is promoted by sociology. For example, Ronald Reagan and Michelle Obama were sociology majors. Rather than forcing a specific set of moral or idealistic values on those who study it, sociology empowers people across a range of political persuasions to study, critique, and act upon our complex surroundings.
Black History Month was expanded in 1976 upon the historical precedence of “Negro History Week” in 1926 by Carter G. Woodson, the second Black American to receive a Ph.D. from Havard (with the first Black American being W.E.B. Du Bois). In honor of Black History Month, here are a few pieces from The Society Pages and our partners over the last year:
Visual Soc: Mining Love by Isabel Arriagada and Jillian LaBranche explains some of the complexities of increased diamond sales during this time of year.
In the United States the quasi-holiday Super Bowl LVIII is this Sunday, February 11th, 2024. This year the San Francisco 49ers face off against the Kansas City Chiefs. In the spirit of the Super Bowl, check out some sociology from us and our partners Engaging Sports and Contexts on the Super Bowl, football, and sports:
Black Interim Head Coaches in the NFL by Marissa Kiss, Earl Smith, and Angela J. Hattery on the lack of representation of Black head coaches through the hiring hierarchy.
THE SUPER BOWL: A sociological view by Todd Beer on how the Super Bowl is larger than just a sporting event, it provides insights into gender roles, socialization, and cultural values of society.
Two men in matching uniforms in a warehouse standing closely and talking, with a supervisor nearby. Photo by Tiger Lily from Pexels underPexels license.
The United States has over 8,000 businesses with over 1000 employees. Starbucks has 15,000 coffee shops and 350,000 employees. Amazon employs over 1.5 million. The United States is also home to several large unions. The National Education Association has 3 million union members. The United Auto Workers (UAW) union has over 400,000 members. These business and labor giants frequent headlines and news of negotiations between management and workers seem to tell a story of battling juggernauts, using strikes and union-busting tactics to outdo the other.
Over the past several decades unions have lost some of their strength. However, in recent years large demonstrations and organizing have signaled the beginning of a possible shift. Sociological research can help workers better understand the context of this shift and the impacts these dynamics can have on employers and employees.
Union Membership
In 1935, US workers gained the right to form a union in the National Labor Relations Act in the private sector. Union formation and management was then assigned to the National Labor Relations Board and today has the power to manage elections and mediate employee-employer bargaining. However, over the past 40 years union membership in the public sector has remained stagnant at 33% and drastically declined in the private sector to an all-time low of 6% in 2021. However, with discussions around the distribution of wealth, minimum wage, and an apparent shortage of workers seeing an uptick in recent years, this historic decline may turn.
Palley, T. I., & LaJeunesse, R. M. (2007). Social attitudes, labor law, and union organizing: Toward a new economics of union density. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization, 62(2), 237-254.
Research can also tell us what makes for a successful union drive. Organizing efforts that are perceived as effective in giving voice to workers’ concerns, fostering union identity among members, and convincing workers of management’s culpability of problems are more effective in organizing and gaining momentum. Workers also utilize online platforms to their advantage. These online spaces do not only allow for organizing with sometimes distant co-workers but also allow for the sharing of ideas and advocacy tactics. For example, Uber, Instacart, and other gig worker employees who lacked access to company-wide wage data used individually compiled worker-reported data to accurately calculate average wages and negotiate for fairer pay.
Labor unions exist to not only maintain a perceived fair wage, but protect the social and political value of workers. Union organizers adopt and use numerous strategies to grow support and maintain momentum. Tactics range from rhetorical: sarcastically co-opting company messages, personal testimonials, and posting videos; to overt acts of defiance such as strikes
Employers sometimes work to prevent organizing through various methods, such as lawsuits, diversion of attention, and instilling polarization through the employment of “consultants” who create tension within workplaces to keep workers divided. Additionally, they may employ strategies like misinformation campaigns, surveillance, and promoting a culture of fear to suppress unionization efforts. These tactics not only disrupt solidarity among employees but also create an environment where the idea of collective bargaining is seen as detrimental to the individual interests of workers, further hindering the formation of unions.
Researchers have shown that high union membership and union presence in communities have higher wages, fringe benefits, and lower poverty rates. Additionally, union presence has a “spillover effect” – where high union presence positively impacts non-union community members. In other words, businesses (and local policymakers) located in communities with union activity are mindful of their relationship with their workers and the possibility of non-union members unionizing at a small scale or partnering with larger, existing unions.
Unions serve as an institution of checks and balances to the power and control held by large institutions. Historically, unions have led to improved working conditions and increased retention for institutions. Today, however, a worker’s role in society has changed dramatically and the frequency and intensity of strikes, union-busting strategies, and the relationship between employer and employee is subject to change.
VanHeuvelen, Tom; Brady, David (2022): Labor Unions and American Poverty, ILR Review, ISSN 2162-271X, Sage, Thousand Oaks, CA, Vol. 75, Iss. 4, pp. 891-917,
A large city at night, with colorful lights illuminating the cityscape. Photo by Wolfram from Pexels underPexels license.
From Hollywood actors to community activists and literary writers, Asian Americans have been gaining increasing visibility on public platforms. However, given that Asian Americans come from over 20 ethnic and national groups, there is variety and diversity in history, language, culture, and experience that the umbrella term “Asian American” cannot encompass. Over time, in fact, Asian Americans have been lumped into a monolithic culture and stereotypes typically associated with East Asians, erasing the diversity that is a crucial part of Asian America.
What does it mean to be “Asian American” in the United States? How are Asian Americans defying, redefining, and embracing this ambiguous and monolithic label?
Immigration and Asian Americans
Asian Americans and their immigration to the United States have always been an important part of the history of the United States. Ethnic groups like Chinese and Japanese Americans have been around since the gold rush and sugarcane fields of Hawaii respectively. Other groups, especially Southeast Asian refugees, came to the United States as a result of colonialism and war. It is important to acknowledge how these different histories compose and have shaped Asian American identities, cultures, and communities.
Lee, Erika. 2015. “A Part and Apart: Asian American and Immigration History.” Journal of American Ethnic History 34(4):28–42.
Lee, Erika. 2016. The Making of Asian America: A History. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster.
Panethnicity
Panethnicity refers to any collective identity built across ethnic boundaries and differences (Okamoto and Mora 2014). For Asian Americans, panethnicity was created as a political identity for activism and solidarity among Asian-origin peoples in the face of a deeply racialized United States. In more recent decades, “Asian American” has become an identity for Asian Americans to share in panethnic cultural histories, activities, and media. However, it has also become an identity forced upon Asian-origin peoples, where entities like the government group all Asian-origin ethnicities under this broad umbrella term to distinguish them from both White people and other people of color.
Lee, Jess. 2019. “Many dimensions of Asian American pan‐ethnicity.” Sociology Compass 13(12).
Nakano, Dana Y. 2013. “An interlocking panethnicity: The negotiation of multiple identities among Asian American social movement leaders.” Sociological Perspectives 56(4):569-595.
Okamoto, Dina G. 2014. Redefining race: Asian American panethnicity and shifting ethnic boundaries. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.
Okamoto, Dina, and G. Cristina Mora. 2014. “Panethnicity.” Annual Review of Sociology 40:219-239.Espiritu, Yen Le. 1992. Asian American panethnicity: Bridging institutions and identities. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.
The Monolithic “Asian American” – Commonalities and Variations
In recent decades, “Asian American” as a panethnic category has also become a point of contention for people who are categorized and racialized as such. Many ethnic groups, like South Asian ethnic groups, feel unrepresented in an umbrella category that seems to predominantly reflect East Asian culture, values, experiences, and socio-cultural status. An example of this is the “model minority” stereotype, which upholds Asian Americans as hard-working and high achieving in comparison to other racial minority groups, and yet still inferior and a threat to White people (Kim 1999). However, the model minority is often in reference to East Asians (although depending on the context this can also include Asian Indians and Vietnamese), ignoring the disparities many Asian Americans like South and Southeast Asians experience.
As a result, there have been calls to disaggregate, or break down, Asian Americans by ethnic groups because of how this monolithic racial label camouflages the vast differences and inequities between Asian American groups. Examples include the income gaps between groups like Chinese Americans and Nepalese Americans, and even within ethnic groups, like Chinese Americans, there are vastly different and unequal experiences.
Kibria, Nadia. 1998. “The contested meanings of ‘Asian American’: Racial dilemmas in the contemporary US.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 21(5), 939-958.
Lee, Jennifer, and Karthick Ramakrishnan. 2020. “Who counts as Asian.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 43(10):1733-1756.
Tsuda, Takeyuki. 2022. “I Don’t Feel Very Asian American”: Why Aren’t Japanese Americans More Panethnic?” Sociological Inquiry 92: 919-942.
Yamashita, Liann. 2022. ““I just couldn’t relate to that Asian American narrative”: How Southeast Asian Americans reconsider panethnicity.” Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 8(2):250-266
Xenophobia and Anti-Asian Racism
Asian Americans continue to face xenophobic sentiments in a country where, no matter who is included or how long their family has been in the US, they are treated as foreigners (Tuan 1998). Even when praised as “model minorities” who “made it” compared to other minority groups, this valorized position can quickly crumble beneath them. The COVID-19 pandemic and the rise of anti-Asian hate that followed is an example of Asian Americans’ tenuous position in the racialized hierarchy of the United States.
Kim, Claire Jean. 1999. “The Racial Triangulation of Asian Americans.” Politics & Society 27(1):105-138.
Kim, Nadia. 2007. “Asian Americans’ experiences of “race” and racism.” In Handbooks of the Sociology of Racial and Ethnic Relations, pp. 131-144. Boston, MA: Springer US.
Tessler, Hannah, Meera Choi, and Grace Kao. 2020. “The anxiety of being Asian American: Hate crimes and negative biases during the COVID-19 pandemic.” American Journal of Criminal Justice 45:636-646.
Tuan, Mia. 1998. Forever Foreigners or Honorary Whites? The Asian Ethnic Experience Today. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.
A large city at night, with colorful lights illuminating the cityscape. Photo by Wolfram from Pexels underPexels license.
From Hollywood actors to community activists and literary writers, Asian Americans have been gaining increasing visibility on public platforms. However, given that Asian Americans come from over 20 ethnic and national groups, there is variety and diversity in history, language, culture, and experience that the umbrella term “Asian American” cannot encompass. Over time, in fact, Asian Americans have been lumped into a monolithic culture and stereotypes typically associated with East Asians, erasing the diversity that is a crucial part of Asian America.
What does it mean to be “Asian American” in the United States? How are Asian Americans defying, redefining, and embracing this ambiguous and monolithic label?
Immigration and Asian Americans
Asian Americans and their immigration to the United States have always been an important part of the history of the United States. Ethnic groups like Chinese and Japanese Americans have been around since the gold rush and sugarcane fields of Hawaii respectively. Other groups, especially Southeast Asian refugees, came to the United States as a result of colonialism and war. It is important to acknowledge how these different histories compose and have shaped Asian American identities, cultures, and communities.
Lee, Erika. 2015. “A Part and Apart: Asian American and Immigration History.” Journal of American Ethnic History 34(4):28–42.
Lee, Erika. 2016. The Making of Asian America: A History. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster.
Panethnicity
Panethnicity refers to any collective identity built across ethnic boundaries and differences (Okamoto and Mora 2014). For Asian Americans, panethnicity was created as a political identity for activism and solidarity among Asian-origin peoples in the face of a deeply racialized United States. In more recent decades, “Asian American” has become an identity for Asian Americans to share in panethnic cultural histories, activities, and media. However, it has also become an identity forced upon Asian-origin peoples, where entities like the government group all Asian-origin ethnicities under this broad umbrella term to distinguish them from both White people and other people of color.
Lee, Jess. 2019. “Many dimensions of Asian American pan‐ethnicity.” Sociology Compass 13(12).
Nakano, Dana Y. 2013. “An interlocking panethnicity: The negotiation of multiple identities among Asian American social movement leaders.” Sociological Perspectives 56(4):569-595.
Okamoto, Dina G. 2014. Redefining race: Asian American panethnicity and shifting ethnic boundaries. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.
Okamoto, Dina, and G. Cristina Mora. 2014. “Panethnicity.” Annual Review of Sociology 40:219-239.Espiritu, Yen Le. 1992. Asian American panethnicity: Bridging institutions and identities. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press.
The Monolithic “Asian American” – Commonalities and Variations
In recent decades, “Asian American” as a panethnic category has also become a point of contention for people who are categorized and racialized as such. Many ethnic groups, like South Asian ethnic groups, feel unrepresented in an umbrella category that seems to predominantly reflect East Asian culture, values, experiences, and socio-cultural status. An example of this is the “model minority” stereotype, which upholds Asian Americans as hard-working and high achieving in comparison to other racial minority groups, and yet still inferior and a threat to White people (Kim 1999). However, the model minority is often in reference to East Asians (although depending on the context this can also include Asian Indians and Vietnamese), ignoring the disparities many Asian Americans like South and Southeast Asians experience.
As a result, there have been calls to disaggregate, or break down, Asian Americans by ethnic groups because of how this monolithic racial label camouflages the vast differences and inequities between Asian American groups. Examples include the income gaps between groups like Chinese Americans and Nepalese Americans, and even within ethnic groups, like Chinese Americans, there are vastly different and unequal experiences.
Kibria, Nadia. 1998. “The contested meanings of ‘Asian American’: Racial dilemmas in the contemporary US.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 21(5), 939-958.
Lee, Jennifer, and Karthick Ramakrishnan. 2020. “Who counts as Asian.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 43(10):1733-1756.
Tsuda, Takeyuki. 2022. “I Don’t Feel Very Asian American”: Why Aren’t Japanese Americans More Panethnic?” Sociological Inquiry 92: 919-942.
Yamashita, Liann. 2022. ““I just couldn’t relate to that Asian American narrative”: How Southeast Asian Americans reconsider panethnicity.” Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 8(2):250-266
Xenophobia and Anti-Asian Racism
Asian Americans continue to face xenophobic sentiments in a country where, no matter who is included or how long their family has been in the US, they are treated as foreigners (Tuan 1998). Even when praised as “model minorities” who “made it” compared to other minority groups, this valorized position can quickly crumble beneath them. The COVID-19 pandemic and the rise of anti-Asian hate that followed is an example of Asian Americans’ tenuous position in the racialized hierarchy of the United States.
Kim, Claire Jean. 1999. “The Racial Triangulation of Asian Americans.” Politics & Society 27(1):105-138.
Kim, Nadia. 2007. “Asian Americans’ experiences of “race” and racism.” In Handbooks of the Sociology of Racial and Ethnic Relations, pp. 131-144. Boston, MA: Springer US.
Tessler, Hannah, Meera Choi, and Grace Kao. 2020. “The anxiety of being Asian American: Hate crimes and negative biases during the COVID-19 pandemic.” American Journal of Criminal Justice 45:636-646.
Tuan, Mia. 1998. Forever Foreigners or Honorary Whites? The Asian Ethnic Experience Today. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.
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