Related piece originally published February 17, 2022.
The impact of COVID-19 on parents and children has forced us to reconsider how the U.S. approaches traditional welfare supports. A major change that parents saw in July 2021 under the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) was the increase in value of their child tax credit (CTC) and a monthly payout of half that child CTC – with $300 paid for each child under 6 years and $250 paid for each child 6-17 years each month. Furthermore, the threshold for receiving the CTC was considerably raised – temporarily lifting millions of children above the poverty line. ‘Incrementally revolutionary’ for social welfare in the U.S., the extension and expansion of the CTC hads the potential to strengthen the social safety net and have a broad social impact. Now that expansions to the CTC have rolled back, what do we know about CTC and how a more permanent expansion could support families?
Passed into law with bipartisan support in 1997, the CTC originally served as a tax break to middle class taxpayers. In 2001 and then 2008 the CTC was then made refundable and more accessible to lower income families. Since the passage of the ARPA in 2021, the CTC is now more accessible and relatively generous than many other forms of welfare.
- Ethan J. Evans. Evans, E. J. (2021). Boosting Health through the Tax Code: 2021 Tax Credit Reforms. Health & Social Work, 46(4), 247-249.
In measuring the social impact of the CTC, researchers have published ample evidence of this worthwhile investment. A nation-wide study found that when parents received the CTC their children were less likely to be physically injured and had less behavioral problems. Because children living in poverty are up to nine times more likely to fall victim to maltreatment and suffer from poor overall health, the CTC provides additional economic stability to lower-income parents.
- Whitney L. Rostad, Joanne Klevens, Katie A. Ports, and Derek C. Ford. 2020. Impact of the United States federal child tax credit on childhood injuries and behavior problems. Children and youth services review 109: 104718.
- A. J. Sedlak, J. Mettenburg, J., M. Basena, I. Petta, I., K. McPherson, K., A. Green, A., & Li, Spencer Li.. 2(2010). Fourth national incidence study of child abuse and neglect (NIS–4): Report to congress. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families.
- Aislinn Conrad-Hiebner and Elizabeth Byram (2020). The temporal impact of economic insecurity on child maltreatment: A systematic review. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse 21(1): 157–178.
- David Walsh, Gerry McCartney, Michael Smith, and Gillian Armour. 2019. Relationship between childhood socioeconomic position and adverse childhood experiences (ACEs): A systematic review. Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 73(12):1087–1093.
- Rosana E. Norman, Munkhtsetseg Byambaa, Rumna De, Alexander Butchart, James Scott, and Theo Vos. 2019. The long-term health consequences of child physical abuse, emotional abuse, and neglect: A systematic review and meta-analysis. PLoS Medicine (9): e1001349.
International programs similar to the CTC have found that increased payments were associated with lower levels of ADHD, physical aggression, maternal depression, and better emotional/anxiety scores among children. Experts in the U.S. have predicted that an increased investment in the CTC would have similar individual and social health impacts, remove millions of impoverished children out of poverty, and save billions of dollars in future.
- Kevin Milligan and M. Stabile 2011. Do child tax benefits affect the well-being of children? Evidence from Canadian child benefit expansions. American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 3(3):175-205.
- Steven Pressman. 2011. Policies to reduce child poverty: Child allowances versus tax exemptions for children. Journal of Economic Issues 45(2): 323-332.
Today, with COVID-19 spurring conversations and the realization that U.S. welfare is in need of an update, policy makers have a “charcuterie board” of welfare reform choices. Of the more savory variety there are work-oriented programs which would moderately decrease poverty and decrease unemployment. Then there are some sweeter options that would dramatically reduce poverty, but increase unemployment. Arraying these options, a nationwide, interdisciplinary committee of experts have made four recommendations based on changes in unemployment and child poverty. Regardless of different policy member’s palate preferences, increasing the CTC would both decrease poverty among families by over 9% and decrease unemployment by over half a million jobs – a sweet and savory option.
- Greg J. Duncan. 2021. A roadmap to reducing child poverty. Academic Pediatrics 21(8): S97-S101.
On December 15th, 2021, the monthly CTC payments directed to parents expired. In other words, parents in dire straits are no longer receiving necessary financial support. Congressional debate on the Build Back Better bill (BBB), which could extend the CTC, provide universal pre-K education, national paid leave for caregiving or illness, and other social investments, has languished. However, for a brief period, we saw evidence of the power of expansion of welfare provisions like the CTC.
Originally published March 30, 2022.
Today “help wanted” signs are commonplace; restaurants, shops, and cafes have temporarily closed or have cut back on hours due to staffing shortages. “Nobody wants to work,” the message goes. Some businesses now offer higher wages, benefits, and other incentives to draw in low-wage workers. All the same, “the great resignation” has been met with alarm across the country, from the halls of Congress to the ivory tower.
In America, where work is seen as virtuous, widespread resignations are certainly surprising. How does so many are walking away from their jobs differ from what we’ve observed in the past, particularly in terms of frustrations about labor instability, declining benefits, and job insecurity? Sociological research on work, precarity, expectations, and emotions provides cultural context on the specificity and significance of “the great resignation.”
Individualism and Work
The importance of individualism in American culture is clear in the workplace. Unlike after World War II, when strong labor unions and a broad safety net ensured reliable work and ample benefits (for mostly white workers), instability and precarity are hallmarks of today’s workplace. A pro-work, individualist ethos values individual’s flexibility, adaptability, and “hustle.” When workers are laid off due to shifting market forces and the profit motives of corporate executives, workers internalize the blame. Instead of blaming executives for prioritizing stock prices over workers, or organizing to demand more job security, the cultural emphasis on individual responsibility encourages workers to devote their energy into improving themselves and making themselves more attractive for the jobs that are available.
- Robert N. Bellah. 1985. “The Pursuit of Happiness” and “Culture and Conversation: The Historical.” Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life. Berkeley: University of California Press.
- Richard Sennett. 2000. The Corrosion of Character: The Personal Consequences of Work in the New Capitalism. New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company.
- Lester Spence. 2015. Knocking the Hustle: Against the Neoliberal Turn in Black Politics. Brooklyn, NY: Punctum Books.
Expectations and Experiences
For many, the pandemic offered a brief glimpse into a different world of work with healthier work-life balance and temporary (if meaningful) government assistance. Why and how have American workers come to expect unpredictable work conditions and meager benefits? The bipartisan, neoliberal consensus that took hold in the latter part of the twentieth century saw a reduction in government intervention into the social sphere. At the same time, a bipartisan pro-business political agenda reshaped how workers thought of themselves and their employers. Workers became individualistic actors or “companies of one” who looked out for themselves and their own interests instead of fighting for improved conditions. Today’s “precariat” – the broad class of workers facing unstable and precarious work – weather instability by expecting little from employers or the government while demanding more of themselves.
- Wendy Brown. 2017. Undoing the Demos: Neoliberalism’s Stealth Revolution. Princeton, NJ: Zone Books.
- Carrie M. Lane. 2011. A Company of One Insecurity, Independence, and the New World of White-Collar Unemployment. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
- Devika Narayan. 2022. “Manufacturing Managerial Compliance: How Firms Align Managers With Corporate Interest. Work, Employment & Society, Forthcoming.
- Guy Standing. 2011. The Precariat: The New Dangerous Class. London: Bloomsbury Press.
Generational Changes
Researchers have identified generational differences in expectations of work. Survey data shows that Baby Boomers experience greater difficulty with workplace instability and the emerging individualist ethos. On the other hand, younger generations – more accustomed to this precarity – manage the tumult with greater skill. These generational disparities in how insecurity is perceived have real implications for worker well-being and family dynamics.
- Sarah Burgard, Jennie Brand, James House. 2009. “Perceived Job Insecurity and Worker Health in the United States.” Social Science and Medicine 69(5): 777–785.
- Erin Kelly, Phyllis Moen, J. Michael Oakes, Wen Fan, Cassandra Okechukwu, Kelly Davis. 2014. “Changing Work and Work- Family Conflict: Evidence from the Work, Family, and Health Network.” American Sociological Review 79(3): 485–516.
- Jack Lam, Phyllis Moen, Shi-Rong Lee, and Orfeu Buxton. 2016. “Boomer and Gen X Managers and Employees at Risk: Evidence from the Work, Family, and Health Network Study.” Pp. 51-73 in Beyond the Cubicle: Job Insecurity, Intimacy, and the Flexible Self. New York: Oxford University Press.
Emotions
Scholars have also examined the central role emotions play in setting expectations of work and employers, as well as the broad realm of “emotional management” industries that help make uncertainty bearable for workers. Instead of improving workplace conditions for workers, these “emotional management” industries provide “self-care” resources that put the burden of managing the despair and anxiety of employment uncertainty on employees themselves, rather than companies.
- Barbara Ehrenreich. 2010. Smile or Die: How Positive Thinking Fooled America and the World. London: Granta Books.
- Eva Illouz. Cold Intimacies: The Making of Emotional Capitalism. 2007. Cambridge, UK ; Malden, MA: Polity.
Mother’s day is a good opportunity to surprise your mom with breakfast in bed, flowers, or a gift. It’s also a good opportunity to reflect on the challenges of motherhood, particularly in the United States, and consider how both individual and social change can help all mothers continue to thrive. We’ve rounded up some TSP classics, and some great scholarship on motherhood we haven’t covered, that puts contemporary motherhood in context.
Moms do More at Home
Although gender norms in the United States have changed considerably over the past half century, moms are still primarily responsible for raising children. Most moms are expected to figure out how to balance full-time work and motherhood. Moms must make it work when these responsibilities conflict, like when the covid-19 pandemic shut down public schools, leaving millions of children without daytime care.
- Should Caring for Kids Be a Social Responsibility? There’s Research on That
- Best of 2020: Caring is Work There’s Research on That
- Why American Mothers are the Most Stressed, Clippings
Although ostensibly gender norms are changing in heterosexual couples, mothers spend more time caring for children and doing housework than their male partners, even when both partners work outside of the home. The “second shift” of work that moms do at home includes the “cognitive labor” of managing and scheduling family members’ time. For instance, scheduling vacations, or doctors appointments for family members.
- Gendering Vacation, There’s Research on That
- The Mental Labor of Working Mothers, Clippings
Mothering Intensively and Alone
In the absence of public support for parenthood, It is particularly challenging for low-income moms to handle the responsibility of motherhood. The problem is not only that welfare support and childcare provisions are extremely limited in the United States; making matters worse, American culture tends to blame low income moms for their poverty and heavily scrutinizes the parenting decisions of poor moms put in tough positions and struggling to make ends meet for their families.
- Mothering Without a (Social) Safety Net, There’s Research on That
- The Politics of Blaming Single Mothers for Poverty, Clippings
Another factor that makes parenting challenging for all moms are beliefs “ideal motherhood.” Mothers are expected to mother “intensively,” devoting considerable time, energy, money, and emotion to their children. Although some parents wax nostalgic about their own childhoods, when they played independently with neighborhood children until the streetlights came on, or were “latch-key” kids free to play video games or watch television until their parents returned from work, they are now investing considerable amounts of time and energy in packed schedules of activities for their children and discipline through negotiation.
- Intensive Mothering and Fathering are the New Norm, Discoveries
- The Problems with Intensive Parenting, Clippings
- The Time Trials of Good Parents, Clippings
Diverse Moms, Different Experiences
Sociological research has also shown that “intensive mothering” and a focus on nuclear two-parent households may not accurately reflect the experiences of all mothers. For instance, Patricia Hill Collins talks about “collective mothering,” or how Black women rely on communities of caregivers and the work of “other moms” to help raise their children in a hostile society. Dawn Marie Dow also emphasizes that black motherhood is not necessarily incompatible with professional responsibilities, and black mothers have long had to balance work outside of their own home with the responsibilities of motherhood.
- Collective Mothering, Clippings
- Dawn Marie Dow. 2019. Mothering While Black: Boundaries and Burdens of Middle-Class Parenthood. Oakland, California: University of California Press.
- Riché J. Daniel Barnes. 2016. Raising the Race: Black Career Women Redefine Marriage, Motherhood, and Community. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press.
Sociological research also shows that for some moms, the expectations that the institutions of social life have for “good motherhood” don’t fit with their reality. They experience challenging situations that require them to, for instance, prioritize the safety of their children or make tough decisions about what expenses they can cover for their child. Some moms use “inventive mothering” to figure out how to meet their children’s basic needs for, for instance, diapers. Disabled moms and black moms are particularly vulnerable to being seen as “risky” for failing to live up to the ideals of motherhood, experiencing increased surveillance and punishment from doctors’ offices, schools, and child welfare workers.
- Policing Mothers with Disabilities, Discoveries
- Good Moms, Biased Judges, and a Questionabel Court, Discoveries
- What’s Best for Kids? Parents, Instructors, and Physical Discipline Discoveries,
- Diaper Desperation, Discoveries
- Morality and Maybe-Moms, Discoveries
- Sinikka Elliot, Rachel Powell, and Joslyn Brenton. 2015. “Being a Good Mom: Low-Income, Black Single Mothers Negotiate Intensive Mothering.” Journal of Family Issues 36(3):351–70.
- Kelley Fong. 2020. “Getting Eyes in the Home: Child Protective Services Investigations and State Surveillance of Family Life.” American Sociological Review 85(4):610–38.
Black mothers, in particular, worry about the safety of their children in a world that often views black children as a threat, particularly black boys. Black mothers’ worry about their children experiencing racism can negatively impact their health. Cynthia G. Colen and colleagues found that children’s experiences of discrimination harmed black mother’s health.
- How Discrimination Harms Mother’s Health, Discoveries
- How Black Mothers Struggle to Navigate “Thug” Imagery, Discoveries
Gendered expectations of women also create challenges for women who cannot or do not want to become mothers. Women that experience infertility experience stigma, or the sense that there is something marked or discrediting about them that contributes to others’ negative perception of them. Women who are “childfree by choice” also experience stigma.
- Social Experiences of Infertility, There’s Research on That
- Opting In and Out of Motherhood, There’s Research on That
Political and Personal Solutions?
Policy changes could ease some of the challenges mothers face. For instance, research shows that there is a smaller “happiness gap” between parents and non-parents in countries with more generous public support for raising children. Mothers also feel less guilt in countries with better social and economic support for parenthood. More generous welfare provisions could help working-class moms better meet their children’s basic needs.
- Should Caring for Kids Be a Social Responsibility? There’s Research on That
Within families, couples can work towards greater equality of responsibilities. However, studies show that most young people still expect mothers to do the majority of housework and childcare. Even when young women anticipate having more gender equality in household labor, actually implementing more egalitarian schedules proves difficult, particularly for working-class women.
- Annie McConnon, Allegra J. Midgette, and Clare Conry-Murray. 2022. “Mother Like Mothers and Work Like Fathers: US Heterosexual College Students’ Assumptions About Who Should Meet Childcare and Housework Demands.” Sex Roles 86(1–2):49–66.
- Amanda J. Miller and Daniel L. Carlson. 2016. “Great Expectations? Working- and Middle-Class Cohabitors’ Expected and Actual Divisions of Housework.” Journal of Marriage and Family 78(2):346–63.
Complaint Process
In recent years, many initiatives have worked to systematically track and analyze data on police complaints in jurisdictions such as Chicago. However, obtaining accurate data on police is notoriously difficult, because the primary mechanism for oversight is often “internal affairs” – the police themselves. In other words, if someone wanted to voice their grievance they are often required to make the complaint to the very organization that harmed them – an obvious conflict of interest.
- Matthew J. Hickman, and Jane E. Poore. 2016. “National data on citizen complaints about police use of force: Data quality concerns and the potential (mis) use of statistical evidence to address police agency conduct.” Criminal Justice Policy Review 27(5): 455-479.
- Ali Mir Usman, and Maureen Pirog. 2019. “Social accountability and institutional change: The case of citizen oversight of police.” Public Administration Review79(3): 411-426.
When complaints are made, very few are “sustained” or deemed valid by colleagues of the police officer. Social scientists have found that between 2% – 28% of complaints are actually sustained, which might well be an overestimate. Moreover, complaints by Black citizens are even less likely to be sustained.
- Kimberly D. Hassell, and Carol A. Archbold. 2010. “Widening the scope on complaints of police misconduct.” Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management 33(3): 473-489.
- John R. Dugan and Daniel R. Breda. 1991. “Complaints about police officers: A comparison among types and agencies.” Journal of Criminal Justice 19(2): 165–171.
- Antony Michael Pate, Lorie A. Fridell, and Edwin E. Hamilton. 1993. “Police Use of Force: Official Reports, Citizen Complaints, and Legal Consequences: Volume II.” Washington, DC: Police Foundation.
- Warren Christopher. 1991. “Report of the independent commission on the Los Angeles Police Department.” Collingdale, PA: Diane Publishing. William Terrill and Jason R. Ingram. 2016. “Citizen complaints against the police: An eight city examination.” Police Quarterly, 19(2): 150-179.
Bad Apples?
Is the solution as simple as removing “bad apples” with numerous police complaints from the police force? As is common when society faces a difficult problem, we tend to gravitate towards easy solutions – such as scapegoating. Research suggests that a small portion of officers (4% – 12%) were responsible for a relatively large share (20% – 41%) of filed complaints. Yet the majority of complaints are spread throughout the department. In other words, there are not just a few bad apples spoiling the bunch – but the tree itself may be bearing rotten fruit
- U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. 1981. Ohio advisory committee. Policing in Cincinnati, Ohio: Official policy vs. civilian reality. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office.
- Warren Christopher. 1991. Report of the independent commission on the Los Angeles Police Department. Collingdale, PA: Diane Publishing
- Kim Michelle Lersch and Tom Mieczkowski. “Who are the problem‐prone officers? An analysis of citizen complaints.” American Journal of Police 15(3): 23-44.Christopher Harris. 2011. “The relationship between career pathways of internal and citizen complaints.” Police Quarterly 14(2): 142–165.
Systemic Change
In recent decades, police departments have adopted initiatives, such as civilian review boards, which foster greater inclusion of the community into addressing complaints. However, these initiatives have mixed results and have been criticized for their exclusion of racially marginalized community members.
- Andrea Headley. 2021. “Accountability and police use of force: Interactive effects between minority representation and civilian review boards.” Public Management Review: 1-23.
Beyond civilian review boards, cities such as Baltimore, Los Angeles, New Orleans, New York, and Denver have taken action to hold spaces for direct, face-to-face dialogue between complainants and police. Both traditional and restorative justice models of mediation have led to greater satisfaction, in-tune with the spirit of “community-policing” and fostering healing.
- Mary Riley, Timothy Prenzler, and Susan Douglas. 2021. “Mediation of complaints against police: a review of programs in Los Angeles and New York City.” Contemporary Justice Review 24(3): 312-325.
- Brian Buchner, Merrick J. Bobb, Oren Root, and Matthew Barge. 2008. “Evaluation of a Pilot Community Policing Program: The Pasadena Police-Community Mediation and Dialog.” U.S. Department of Justice Office of Justice Programs.
- Lonnie M. Schaible, Joseph De Angelis, Brian Wolf, and Richard Rosenthal. 2013. “Denver’s citizen/police complaint mediation program: Officer and complainant satisfaction.” Criminal Justice Policy Review 24(5): 626-650.
- Mary Riley and Timothy Prenzler. 2020. “Mediation of complaints against police: Program implementation in the denver police department.” NewCastle Law Review 15: 5-34.
- Richard Young, Carolyn Hoyle, Karen Cooper, and Roderick Hill. 2005. “Informal resolution of complaints against the police: a quasi-experimental test of restorative justice.” Criminology and Criminal Justice 5(3): 279-318.
As is the case with controlling crime more generally, this research shows that the problem is not as simple as identifying and tossing out a few bad apples – and that police, policy makers, and the community must look to system-level change rather than placing the entirety of blame on individual scapegoats.
Today “help wanted” signs are commonplace; restaurants, shops, and cafes have temporarily closed or have cut back on hours due to staffing shortages. “Nobody wants to work,” the message goes. Some businesses now offer higher wages, benefits, and other incentives to draw in low-wage workers. All the same, “the great resignation” has been met with alarm across the country, from the halls of Congress to the ivory tower.
In America, where work is seen as virtuous, widespread resignations are certainly surprising. How does so many are walking away from their jobs differ from what we’ve observed in the past, particularly in terms of frustrations about labor instability, declining benefits, and job insecurity? Sociological research on work, precarity, expectations, and emotions provides cultural context on the specificity and significance of “the great resignation.”
Individualism and Work
The importance of individualism in American culture is clear in the workplace. Unlike after World War II, when strong labor unions and a broad safety net ensured reliable work and ample benefits (for mostly white workers), instability and precarity are hallmarks of today’s workplace. A pro-work, individualist ethos values individual’s flexibility, adaptability, and “hustle.” When workers are laid off due to shifting market forces and the profit motives of corporate executives, workers internalize the blame. Instead of blaming executives for prioritizing stock prices over workers, or organizing to demand more job security, the cultural emphasis on individual responsibility encourages workers to devote their energy into improving themselves and making themselves more attractive for the jobs that are available.
- Robert N. Bellah. 1985. “The Pursuit of Happiness” and “Culture and Conversation: The Historical.” Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life. Berkeley: University of California Press.
- Richard Sennett. 2000. The Corrosion of Character: The Personal Consequences of Work in the New Capitalism. New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company.
- Lester Spence. 2015. Knocking the Hustle: Against the Neoliberal Turn in Black Politics. Brooklyn, NY: Punctum Books.
Expectations and Experiences
For many, the pandemic offered a brief glimpse into a different world of work with healthier work-life balance and temporary (if meaningful) government assistance. Why and how have American workers come to expect unpredictable work conditions and meager benefits? The bipartisan, neoliberal consensus that took hold in the latter part of the twentieth century saw a reduction in government intervention into the social sphere. At the same time, a bipartisan pro-business political agenda reshaped how workers thought of themselves and their employers. Workers became individualistic actors or “companies of one” who looked out for themselves and their own interests instead of fighting for improved conditions. Today’s “precariat” – the broad class of workers facing unstable and precarious work – weather instability by expecting little from employers or the government while demanding more of themselves.
- Wendy Brown. 2017. Undoing the Demos: Neoliberalism’s Stealth Revolution. Princeton, NJ: Zone Books.
- Carrie M. Lane. 2011. A Company of One Insecurity, Independence, and the New World of White-Collar Unemployment. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
- Devika Narayan. 2022. “Manufacturing Managerial Compliance: How Firms Align Managers With Corporate Interest. Work, Employment & Society, Forthcoming.
- Guy Standing. 2011. The Precariat: The New Dangerous Class. London: Bloomsbury Press.
Generational Changes
Researchers have identified generational differences in expectations of work. Survey data shows that Baby Boomers experience greater difficulty with workplace instability and the emerging individualist ethos. On the other hand, younger generations – more accustomed to this precarity – manage the tumult with greater skill. These generational disparities in how insecurity is perceived have real implications for worker well-being and family dynamics.
- Sarah Burgard, Jennie Brand, James House. 2009. “Perceived Job Insecurity and Worker Health in the United States.” Social Science and Medicine 69(5): 777–785.
- Erin Kelly, Phyllis Moen, J. Michael Oakes, Wen Fan, Cassandra Okechukwu, Kelly Davis. 2014. “Changing Work and Work- Family Conflict: Evidence from the Work, Family, and Health Network.” American Sociological Review 79(3): 485–516.
- Jack Lam, Phyllis Moen, Shi-Rong Lee, and Orfeu Buxton. 2016. “Boomer and Gen X Managers and Employees at Risk: Evidence from the Work, Family, and Health Network Study.” Pp. 51-73 in Beyond the Cubicle: Job Insecurity, Intimacy, and the Flexible Self. New York: Oxford University Press.
Emotions
Scholars have also examined the central role emotions play in setting expectations of work and employers, as well as the broad realm of “emotional management” industries that help make uncertainty bearable for workers. Instead of improving workplace conditions for workers, these “emotional management” industries provide “self-care” resources that put the burden of managing the despair and anxiety of employment uncertainty on employees themselves, rather than companies.
- Barbara Ehrenreich. 2010. Smile or Die: How Positive Thinking Fooled America and the World. London: Granta Books.
- Eva Illouz. Cold Intimacies: The Making of Emotional Capitalism. 2007. Cambridge, UK ; Malden, MA: Polity.
The impact of COVID-19 on parents and children has forced us to reconsider how the U.S. approaches traditional welfare supports. A major change that parents saw in July 2021 under the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) was the increase in value of their child tax credit (CTC) and a monthly payout of half that child CTC – with $300 paid for each child under 6 years and $250 paid for each child 6-17 years each month. Furthermore, the threshold for receiving the CTC was considerably raised – temporarily lifting millions of children above the poverty line. ‘Incrementally revolutionary’ for social welfare in the U.S., the extension and expansion of the CTC hads the potential to strengthen the social safety net and have a broad social impact. Now that expansions to the CTC have rolled back, what do we know about CTC and how a more permanent expansion could support families?
Passed into law with bipartisan support in 1997, the CTC originally served as a tax break to middle class taxpayers. In 2001 and then 2008 the CTC was then made refundable and more accessible to lower income families. Since the passage of the ARPA in 2021, the CTC is now more accessible and relatively generous than many other forms of welfare.
- Ethan J. Evans. Evans, E. J. (2021). Boosting Health through the Tax Code: 2021 Tax Credit Reforms. Health & Social Work, 46(4), 247-249.
In measuring the social impact of the CTC, researchers have published ample evidence of this worthwhile investment. A nation-wide study found that when parents received the CTC their children were less likely to be physically injured and had less behavioral problems. Because children living in poverty are up to nine times more likely to fall victim to maltreatment and suffer from poor overall health, the CTC provides additional economic stability to lower-income parents.
- Whitney L. Rostad, Joanne Klevens, Katie A. Ports, and Derek C. Ford. 2020. Impact of the United States federal child tax credit on childhood injuries and behavior problems. Children and youth services review 109: 104718.
- A. J. Sedlak, J. Mettenburg, J., M. Basena, I. Petta, I., K. McPherson, K., A. Green, A., & Li, Spencer Li.. 2(2010). Fourth national incidence study of child abuse and neglect (NIS–4): Report to congress. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Administration for Children and Families.
- Aislinn Conrad-Hiebner and Elizabeth Byram (2020). The temporal impact of economic insecurity on child maltreatment: A systematic review. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse 21(1): 157–178.
- David Walsh, Gerry McCartney, Michael Smith, and Gillian Armour. 2019. Relationship between childhood socioeconomic position and adverse childhood experiences (ACEs): A systematic review. Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 73(12):1087–1093.
- Rosana E. Norman, Munkhtsetseg Byambaa, Rumna De, Alexander Butchart, James Scott, and Theo Vos. 2019. The long-term health consequences of child physical abuse, emotional abuse, and neglect: A systematic review and meta-analysis. PLoS Medicine (9): e1001349.
International programs similar to the CTC have found that increased payments were associated with lower levels of ADHD, physical aggression, maternal depression, and better emotional/anxiety scores among children. Experts in the U.S. have predicted that an increased investment in the CTC would have similar individual and social health impacts, remove millions of impoverished children out of poverty, and save billions of dollars in future.
- Kevin Milligan and M. Stabile 2011. Do child tax benefits affect the well-being of children? Evidence from Canadian child benefit expansions. American Economic Journal: Economic Policy 3(3):175-205.
- Steven Pressman. 2011. Policies to reduce child poverty: Child allowances versus tax exemptions for children. Journal of Economic Issues 45(2): 323-332.
Today, with COVID-19 spurring conversations and the realization that U.S. welfare is in need of an update, policy makers have a “charcuterie board” of welfare reform choices. Of the more savory variety there are work-oriented programs which would moderately decrease poverty and decrease unemployment. Then there are some sweeter options that would dramatically reduce poverty, but increase unemployment. Arraying these options, a nationwide, interdisciplinary committee of experts have made four recommendations based on changes in unemployment and child poverty. Regardless of different policy member’s palate preferences, increasing the CTC would both decrease poverty among families by over 9% and decrease unemployment by over half a million jobs – a sweet and savory option.
- Greg J. Duncan. 2021. A roadmap to reducing child poverty. Academic Pediatrics 21(8): S97-S101.
On December 15th, 2021, the monthly CTC payments directed to parents expired. In other words, parents in dire straits are no longer receiving necessary financial support. Congressional debate on the Build Back Better bill (BBB), which could extend the CTC, provide universal pre-K education, national paid leave for caregiving or illness, and other social investments, has languished. However, for a brief period, we saw evidence of the power of expansion of welfare provisions like the CTC.
Originally posted February 13, 2020.
Over one million people will get engaged on Valentine’s Day, and as a result, diamond sales usually uptick around this time. Diamonds are both historical and cultural objects; they carry meaning for many — symbolizing love, commitment, and prestige. Diamonds are highly coveted objects, and scholars have found about 90 percent of American women own at least one diamond. In the 1990s, war spread throughout West Africa over these precious pieces of carbon, as armed political groups vied for control over diamond mines and their profits.
- Susan Falls. 2014. Clarity, Cut, and Culture: The Many Meanings of Diamonds. NYU Press.
- G. Smith. 2003. “The allure, magic, and mystery — A brief history of diamonds” The Journal of the South African Institute of Mining and Metallurgy.
Given their role in financing brutal West African civil wars, diamonds became associated with violence and international refugee crises, rather than financial prosperity and love. Diamonds became pejoratively known as blood diamonds, or conflict diamonds, and consumers became more likely to perceive diamonds as the result of large scale violence and rape. As a result, major diamond producers have attempted to reconstruct the symbolic meaning of diamonds, turning them into symbols of international development and hope.
- Lansana Gberie. 2009. African civil society, ‘Blood diamonds’ and the Kimberley Process. In Movers and Shakers: Social Movements in Africa, Ellis & van Kessel (eds). Brill Publishers: Leiden.
- Gavin Hilson & Mark Hirons & Robert Pijper. 2011. “When Diamonds Go Bust: Contextualising Livelihood Changes in Rural Sierra Leone.” Journal of International Development 23: 1068-1079.
As the diamond trade became immoral and socially unjust, new global norms emerged around corporate and consumer responsibility. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) lobbied for the diamond industry to change their behaviors and support of conflict mines while simultaneously creating new global norms and expectations. In the early 2000s, international NGOs, governments and the diamond industry came together to develop the Kimberley Process — to stop the trade of conflict diamonds. Today, 75 countries participate, accounting for 99% of the global diamond trade.
- Lauren Bruffaerts. 2015. “A diamantine struggle: redefining conflict diamonds in the Kimberley Process.” International Affairs 91(5): 1085-1101.
- Franziska Bieri and John Boli. 2011. “Trading Diamonds Responsibly: Institutional Explanations for Corporate Social Responsibility.” Sociological Forum 26(3): 501-526.
Bieri & Boli argue that when NGOs urge companies to employ social responsibility in their commercial practice, they are mobilizing a global moral order. Diamonds provide an example of how symbols, products, and meaning are socially and historically constructed and how this meaning can change over time. The case of blood diamonds also illustrates how changing global norms about what is and is not acceptable can redefine the expectations of how industries conduct business.
Workers in the United States are experiencing a growing number of strikes across the country. Record numbers of job openings, employee departures, and desperation among employers across sectors are empowering workers to push for change. But how are strikes today different from those in the recent past? And what predictions might research forecast?
Economic strikes, when workers withhold their labor to pressure employers to increase their pay or working conditions, are risky for workers. Employers hold the right to permanently replace striking workers and “strike-breakers” (people hired to replace strikers) often gain legal protections in their new positions. However, strikers today seem to have the wind at their back. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, in recent months the U.S. has seen the highest rates of worker “quits” in decades. Furthermore, research suggests that workers are choosing to not return to work, even as COVID-19 unemployment benefits are reduced or eliminated.
- Alex Gourevitch. 2018. “The Right to Strike: A Radical View.” American Political Science Review 112(4): 905-917.
Research on the nature of contemporary strikes has shown that they have been largely defensive, where workers were pushed to the breaking point and striked reactively. Alternatively, offensive strikes arise during more opportunistic climates and are initiated by workers. Under these opportune conditions with dwindling labor competition, workers gain some degree of leverage at the bargaining table with management.
- Michael Wallace. 1989.”Aggressive Economism, Defensive Control: Contours of American Labour Militancy, 1947-81.” Economic and Industrial Democracy 10(1):7-34.
- Andrew W. Martin and Marc Dixon. 2010. “Changing to Win? Threat, Resistance, and the Role of Unions in Strikes, 1984–2002.” American Journal of Sociology 116(1):93-129.
Sociological research has tracked union membership and its effects on inequality. For example, Western and Rosenfeld report that between 1973 and 2007, US private sector union membership fell from 34 to 8 percent for men and from 16 to 6 percent for women. Numerous studies have tied this decline in unionization to wage inequality and earnings instability.
- Bruce Western and Jake Rosenfeld. 2011. “Unions, Norms, and the Rise in U.S. Wage Inequality.” American Sociological Review 76(4):513-537.
- Jake Rosenfeld. 2019. “US Labor Studies in the Twenty-First Century: Understanding Laborism Without Labor.” Annual Review of Sociology 45(1): 449-465.
Tom VanHeuvelen. 2018. “Moral Economies or Hidden Talents? A Longitudinal Analysis of Union Decline and Wage Inequality, 1973–2015.” Social Forces 97(2): 495–530.
In recent years, unions have increasingly engaged with coalitions and/or community groups interested in social change. By organizing with other groups, workers connect and create networks that address mutual concerns. Social issues such as fair wages, organizational policies, and the exportation of jobs are then materialized and humanized during strikes – giving a platform for societal discussion for these social issues. This empowerment through favorable conditions, paired with a heightened cooperation with social change coalitions may be forming an impending, perfect storm for worker-initiated strikes.
- Marc Dixon and Andrew W. Martin. 2012. “We Can’t Win This On Our Own: Unions, Firms, and Mobilization of External Allies in Labor Disputes.” American Sociological Review 77(6): 946-969.
In today’s era of a globalized workforce, ongoing public health crises, social media, and strike activity, another wave of social change may be in the air.
The new Netflix show, Maid, based on the best-selling memoir by Stephanie Land, chronicles a mother’s journey out of domestic violence and towards safety. The story offers an intimate portrait of the many barriers facing impoverished mothers, including the never-ending obstacles in securing government assistance.
Sociological research has consistently found that the welfare system inadequately serves the poor. From red tape to contradictory policies, accessing government assistance is notoriously difficult to navigate. Further, welfare is highly stigmatized in the United States with shame and coercion baked into its process.
Due to gendered expectations of parenting, mothers face increased scrutiny about their children’s well being. In particular, mothers of low socioeconomic status are often harshly judged for their parenting without consideration of the structural inequities they face. Mothers seeking assistance from the welfare system are often judged because of cultural stereotypes about motherhood, poverty, and government assistance.
- Sarah Halpern-Meekin, Kathryn Edin, Laura Tach, and Jennifer Sykes. 2015. It’s Not like I’m Poor: How Working Families Make Ends Meet in a Post-Welfare World. Oakland, California: University of California Press.
- Brianna Turgeon. 2020. “When ‘Best I Can’ Is Not Enough: Welfare Managers’ Appraisal of Clients’ Mothering Practices.” Sociological Inquiry 90(4):839–66.
- Brianna Turgeon, and Kaitlyn Root. 2019. “Welfare Mothers in the United States.” in The Routledge Companion to Motherhood. Routledge.Melody K. Waring, and Daniel R. Meyer. 2020. “Welfare, Work, and Single Mothers: The Great Recession and Income Packaging Strategies.” Children and Youth Services Review 108:104585.
The U.S. welfare system has been a contentious subject for decades with public perceptions of poverty influencing the social safety net. The derogatory infamous image of the “welfare queen” – an allegedly lazy or irresponsible woman who exploits government programs – demonstrates how racist images of poverty and motherhood directly impacted policy making. This body of work takes a historical perspective on welfare and motherhood to consider how gender and racial stereotypes influence public policies.
- Ange-Marie Hancock. 2004. The Politics of Disgust: The Public Identity of the Welfare Queen. New York: NYU Press.
- Gwendolyn Mink. 2018. The Wages of Motherhood: Inequality in the Welfare State, 1917–1942. Cornell University Press.
- Ellen Reese. 2005. Backlash against Welfare Mothers: Past and Present. Berkeley: University of California Press.
- Theda Skocpol. 1996. Protecting Soldiers and Mothers: The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States. 1. Aufl., 4. Druck. Harvard: Harvard University Press.
- Joe Soss, Richard C. Fording, and Sanford F. Schram. 2011. Disciplining the Poor: Neoliberal Paternalism and the Persistent Power of Race. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
Much research directly contradicts the welfare queen trope, showing instead how impoverished families have fallen through the cracks of the welfare system. This work highlights the astounding income inequality in the contemporary United States and the resourcefulness and resiliency of impoverished families and individuals and their struggle to survive on little-to-no resources.
- Stefanie DeLuca, Susan Clampet-Lundquist, and Kathryn Edin. 2016. Coming of Age in the Other America. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
- Kathryn Edin and H. Luke Shaefer. 2016. $2.00 a Day Living on Almost Nothing in America.