{"id":1456,"date":"2017-05-08T11:19:07","date_gmt":"2017-05-08T16:19:07","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/thesocietypages.org\/trot\/?p=1456"},"modified":"2017-05-08T11:19:07","modified_gmt":"2017-05-08T16:19:07","slug":"missing-girls-runaways-and-the-racialization-of-victimhood","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/thesocietypages.org\/trot\/2017\/05\/08\/missing-girls-runaways-and-the-racialization-of-victimhood\/","title":{"rendered":"Missing Girls, Runaways, and the Racialization of Victimhood"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Photo by ktus16, Flickr CC<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

Public outrage about missing Black and Latina girls struck the nation\u2019s capital in March, with many calling the number of missing girls of color a <\/span>crisis.<\/span><\/a> While the number of disappearances <\/span>has not risen<\/span><\/a> considerably in recent years, and there weren\u2019t actually 14 Black girls missing in 24 hours in DC, the question is an important one for sociological analysis. Who is considered a “victim” of violent crime and whose victimization goes unnoticed? \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Whites, particularly white women, are the most likely to be framed as victims of crime. Take laws named after victims in the U.S. (e.g., <\/span>Megan\u2019s<\/span><\/a> law) — while Blacks suffer far more victimization from violent crime than whites, of the 51 laws named after victims in the U.S. from 1990-2016, 86.3% are\u00a0named after white victims. Only four are named after Black\u00a0victims, and three after Hispanic victims. Additionally, 65% of these laws were named after female victims.<\/span><\/h5>\n