{"id":2390,"date":"2020-11-03T08:17:34","date_gmt":"2020-11-03T14:17:34","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/thesocietypages.org\/ccf\/?p=2390"},"modified":"2020-11-03T08:18:41","modified_gmt":"2020-11-03T14:18:41","slug":"the-tool-we-have-why-child-protective-services-investigates-so-many-families-and-how-even-good-intentions-backfire","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/thesocietypages.org\/ccf\/2020\/11\/03\/the-tool-we-have-why-child-protective-services-investigates-so-many-families-and-how-even-good-intentions-backfire\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cThe Tool We Have\u201d: Why Child Protective Services Investigates So Many Families and How Even Good Intentions Backfire"},"content":{"rendered":"<p style=\"text-align: left;\"><em>A briefing paper prepared <\/em><em>for the\u00a0<\/em><a href=\"http:\/\/www.contemporaryfamilies.org\/\"><em>Council on Contemporary Families<\/em><\/a><em>.<\/em><\/p>\n<p>In recent months, conversations around the role of the police have drawn mainstream attention to what contemporary <a href=\"https:\/\/www.vox.com\/2020\/7\/31\/21334190\/what-police-do-defund-abolish-police-reform-training\">policing<\/a>\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.theatlantic.com\/ideas\/archive\/2020\/07\/how-i-became-police-abolitionist\/613540\/\">actually<\/a>\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/theappeal.org\/10-ways-to-reduce-our-reliance-on-policing-and-make-our-communities-safer-for-everyone\/\">encompasses<\/a>. Responding to violent crime constitutes\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/2020\/06\/19\/upshot\/unrest-police-time-violent-crime.html\">only a small share<\/a>\u00a0of police work; instead, we often call on armed officers to address homelessness, mental illness, addiction, and other social adversities. Even when these encounters do not lead to arrest or physical violence, ubiquitous policing in marginalized communities, especially Black communities, heightens experiences of\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/lpeblog.org\/2020\/06\/08\/the-many-forms-of-police-violence\/\">exclusion<\/a>,\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.russellsage.org\/publications\/unequal-city\">injustice<\/a>,\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.washingtonpost.com\/politics\/2020\/06\/17\/we-listened-people-highly-policed-us-communities\/\">and<\/a>\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/journals.sagepub.com\/doi\/abs\/10.1177\/0003122419872671\">precarity<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p>In\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/journals.sagepub.com\/doi\/full\/10.1177\/0003122420938460\">a new study<\/a>, I trace how\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/heinonline.org\/HOL\/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals\/uclalr59&amp;div=42&amp;id=&amp;page=\">another, parallel institution<\/a>\u00a0comes to loom large in marginalized communities: Child Protective Services (CPS). Each year, U.S. child protection authorities, tasked with responding to child abuse and neglect, investigate the families of\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.acf.hhs.gov\/cb\/resource\/child-maltreatment-2018\">over three million children<\/a>, disproportionately poor children, Black children, and Native American children. A staggering\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/ajph.aphapublications.org\/doi\/abs\/10.2105\/AJPH.2016.303545\">one in three<\/a>\u00a0children can expect a CPS investigation at some point during childhood.<\/p>\n<p>To understand why CPS encounters are so commonplace, especially for marginalized families, I observed CPS investigations in Connecticut and interviewed approximately 100 key participants on these cases: professionals reporting suspected child maltreatment, frontline investigators, and investigated mothers. My research shows how, with the fraying of the social safety net in recent decades, efforts to help families take the form of summoning an agency that can forcibly separate them. As with the police, this expansive reliance on authorities with coercive power fosters fear and mistrust even when CPS does not find sufficient evidence to confirm maltreatment.<\/p>\n<p>Contrary to media coverage focused on a few exceptional cases of horrific maltreatment, CPS\u2019s broad reach does not imply millions of malevolent parents are willfully or seriously abusing their children. The situations drawing CPS\u2019s attention typically involve adversities such as domestic violence, substance misuse, homelessness, and mental health needs, often among families experiencing material hardship and systemic racism. As I learned, the educational, medical, law enforcement, and other professionals who initiate two-thirds of CPS reports usually do not think the children they report are in grave danger. And CPS investigators agree. Nationwide, the vast majority of reports (over 80 percent) are deemed unfounded by CPS.<\/p>\n<p>But nor does widespread CPS reporting represent a deluge of false reports from bureaucrats concerned about liability given legal mandates, or, conversely, eager to see children taken from \u201cbad\u201d parents. Overwhelmingly, teachers, nurses, police officers, and other service professionals say they would have reported their most recent case even if not legally required to do so. But usually, they do not want or expect CPS to remove children from the home. Instead, they call CPS in the hope of resolving\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.russellsage.org\/publications\/street-level-bureaucracy\">a key dilemma<\/a>\u00a0they face: They want to help families but have limited time, resources, and roles to do so as they believe necessary. Thus, they turn families over to an agency they hope can intervene with families in ways they cannot. At a women\u2019s services center, a staff member explained that \u201cthis is the tool that we have\u201d to ensure children\u2019s needs are met. These purportedly benevolent intentions expand the reach of CPS, as reporting professionals call on CPS not primarily to identify children in need of foster care, but to rehabilitate families broadly.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Reporting professionals almost always want CPS to provide supportive services<\/strong>, reasoning that CPS has more information about available and appropriate services. For example, in one case, a police officer responded to an incident of domestic violence. \u201cI don\u2019t think that it\u2019s a situation where the kids need to be removed from the house,\u201d he said. Instead, he hoped CPS could assess the family\u2019s needs and perhaps refer them to counseling, interventions he saw as beyond his role and knowledge.<\/li>\n<li><strong>Yet<\/strong>\u00a0<strong>reporting professionals also call on CPS\u2019s coercive authority,<\/strong>\u00a0framing the agency\u2019s power as useful in pressuring parents to accept voluntary services or adjust their behavior in ways reporters believe will improve conditions for children. Another case involved a school struggling to manage a child\u2019s behavioral outbursts. The parents had resisted the school\u2019s desired intervention and the child also mentioned his father hitting him on the head. The school social worker hoped the parents would be more receptive to advice and service referrals coming from CPS. As she reasoned, when CPS refers, \u201cparents either hear it differently or out of nervousness and fear of what if I don\u2019t accept this service. Not that that\u2019s the greatest way to get people involved, but if you get them involved, then hopefully the outcome is beneficial.\u201d<\/li>\n<li><strong>Embracing CPS reporting as a means of rehabilitating families disproportionately channels marginalized families to CPS<\/strong>. Race and class biases shape which families reporting professionals believe need supervision and correction. A daycare director, for example, described \u201cred flags\u201d that might make her more likely to turn to CPS: \u201cYour quick, first red flag would be a lower-income family. Where they live has a lot to do with it too.\u201d Moreover,\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/archive\/how-unequal-school-funding-punishes-poor-kids\/\">given<\/a>\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/academic.oup.com\/socpro\/article-abstract\/64\/2\/256\/3065804\">underinvestment<\/a>\u00a0in communities of color and poor communities, systems serving these families face resource constraints that may increase reliance on CPS. In one case, a major provider of mental health services for low-income Black and Latinx families reported a Latina mother who did not follow through with treatment recommendations after her daughter\u2019s suicide attempt. The therapist said she \u201cdidn\u2019t want to throw CPS at\u201d the mother, but with her high caseload, she felt she could not keep following up to ensure the daughter received recommended services. \u201cBecause I\u2019m seeing so many families,\u201d she said, \u201cthings get lost and they fall through the cracks\u2026 [so it\u2019s] gotta go to the big guys.\u201d<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>But professionals\u2019 wide-ranging concerns about families are often ill-suited to the intervention CPS offers.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>Frontline investigators point out that responding effectively to many of the families coming to their attention does not require the coercive authority that CPS can exert.\u00a0<\/strong>CPS is uniquely empowered to identify candidates for legal intervention and child removal. But with children\u2019s basic safety typically not at issue, investigators question the need for a child protection-specific response, recognizing that any assistance they might be able to offer could be provided by others instead. As one investigator noted, reporting professionals could make referrals or educate families themselves, but \u201cthey just pick up the phone and call us,\u201d straining his caseload and subjecting families to unnecessary surveillance: \u201cOnce you call us, it\u2019s a whole different ballgame\u2026 We come in and we delve into everything.\u201d<\/li>\n<li><strong>CPS investigators, like reporting professionals, are often unable to address families\u2019 persistent needs.\u00a0<\/strong>\u201cI know I\u2019m supposed to be a miracle worker, but sometimes there\u2019s nothing we can do,\u201d lamented another investigator. For example, the agency can refer to therapeutic services, but cannot address the chronic material needs at the root of many reports. On one case, involving a family\u2019s housing conditions, the investigator wondered aloud, \u201cWhat am I supposed to really do? I don\u2019t see the kids being neglected.\u201d She wanted to help the family, but CPS could not provide ongoing rental assistance. \u201cThe sad part is there\u2019s nothing we can do in the sense that we don\u2019t have housing,\u201d she reflected.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Upon receiving reports, CPS investigators conduct multiple home visits and question families on numerous aspects of their personal lives. Investigators try to connect families with social services, but, like police, these efforts are often undermined by the agency\u2019s coercive authority. Faced with the possibility of family separation, parents react with fear, mistrust, or resentment, straining their relationships with critical service providers.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><strong>CPS investigations foster substantial anxiety among investigated families<\/strong>. Although reporting professionals and investigators rarely expect children will be removed, the threat of removal is ever-present even if unstated. \u201cI couldn\u2019t speak. The only thing that crossed my mind was that they were going to take them away,\u201d recalled one mother. \u201cI always thought that their job is to come in and take a child from their family,\u201d another reflected. \u201cOh my God. You don\u2019t understand. I was so scared.\u201d<\/li>\n<li><strong>CPS reports can also lead parents to distance themselves from reporting systems,<\/strong>\u00a0even when parents ultimately view CPS investigators positively. For example, one mother, reported to CPS for using marijuana during pregnancy, hesitated to speak openly with healthcare providers afterwards, potentially precluding her from accessing needed support. After giving birth, she worried she was experiencing postpartum depression. But, she explained, \u201cI don\u2019t tell them any of that because I don\u2019t need them to say, oh, she\u2019s going through postpartum. She\u2019s gonna hurt the baby.\u201d<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Thus, in asking CPS\u2014like the police, armed with tools of surveillance and coercion\u2014to take on all manner of social problems, we further traumatize and marginalize families.\u00a0To work towards a more effective and just response, we can, first, revise mandated reporter trainings and CPS hotline screening to discourage and remove routes for professionals to wield CPS as a tool of disciplinary control. Second, akin to models that\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.hcn.org\/issues\/52.7\/public-health-theres-already-an-alternative-to-calling-the-police\">replace police<\/a>\u00a0with unarmed, support-oriented crisis response teams, we might devise an alternative entity for reporting professionals to obtain assistance for families, perhaps one that can refer families to a range of services based on the needs they identify.<\/p>\n<p>Any alternative must provide truly voluntary assistance and advocacy, offered without threats of punishment. Recent reforms seeking to orient CPS more around service delivery, such as \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/www.childwelfare.gov\/pubs\/issue-briefs\/differential-response\/\">differential response<\/a>\u201d systems and child maltreatment\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.childrensdefense.org\/policy\/policy-priorities\/child-welfare\/family-first\/\">prevention services<\/a>, remain tethered to the agency\u2019s inherent coercive authority. But effectively supporting child and family welfare requires\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/chronicleofsocialchange.org\/child-welfare-2\/abolishing-policing-also-means-abolishing-family-regulation\/44480\">investments outside<\/a>\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/m4bl.org\/policy-platforms\/invest-divest\/\">coercive systems<\/a>\u2014investments that shift power and resources to affected communities. Research is clear that broad-scale anti-poverty policies, such as\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.sciencedirect.com\/science\/article\/pii\/S0190740916303139\">minimum wage increases<\/a>, the\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/link.springer.com\/article\/10.1007\/s11150-016-9346-9\">Earned Income Tax Credit<\/a>,\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/onlinelibrary.wiley.com\/doi\/full\/10.1111\/cfs.12635\">childcare<\/a>\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/onlinelibrary.wiley.com\/doi\/full\/10.1111\/chso.12307\">subsidies<\/a>, and\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.journals.uchicago.edu\/doi\/abs\/10.1086\/671929\">child support pass-throughs<\/a>, reduce child maltreatment risk and CPS intervention. Families navigating the U.S.\u2019s weak labor market supports, stingy welfare state, and persistent and pervasive racism do not need intrusive and apprehension-inducing inquiries into their parenting; they need equitably distributed material resources as well as the political power to ensure public policy responsive to their needs.<\/p>\n<p><strong>FOR MORE INFORMATION, PLEASE CONTACT:<br \/>\n<\/strong>Kelley Fong, Assistant Professor, School of History and Sociology, Georgia Institute of Technology;\u00a0<a href=\"mailto:ktfong@gatech.edu\">ktfong@gatech.edu<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p><strong>LINKS AND ABOUT:<br \/>\n<\/strong>Brief report:\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/contemporaryfamilies.org\/cps-brief-report\/\">https:\/\/contemporaryfamilies.org\/cps-brief-report\/<\/a><br \/>\nPress release:\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/contemporaryfamilies.org\/cps-release\/\">https:\/\/contemporaryfamilies.org\/cps-release\/<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>A briefing paper prepared for the\u00a0Council on Contemporary Families. In recent months, conversations around the role of the police have drawn mainstream attention to what contemporary policing\u00a0actually\u00a0encompasses. Responding to violent crime constitutes\u00a0only a small share\u00a0of police work; instead, we often call on armed officers to address homelessness, mental illness, addiction, and other social adversities. Even [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2095,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[30834],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-2390","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-research-reports"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/thesocietypages.org\/ccf\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2390","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/thesocietypages.org\/ccf\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/thesocietypages.org\/ccf\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/thesocietypages.org\/ccf\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2095"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/thesocietypages.org\/ccf\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=2390"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/thesocietypages.org\/ccf\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2390\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2401,"href":"https:\/\/thesocietypages.org\/ccf\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/2390\/revisions\/2401"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/thesocietypages.org\/ccf\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=2390"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/thesocietypages.org\/ccf\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=2390"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/thesocietypages.org\/ccf\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=2390"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}