Archive: Oct 2015

Stories of domestic violence and child abuse committed by athletes like Ray Rice and Adrian Peterson prompt public belief that violent crimes are a widespread epidemic in American professional football, thus inspiring the nickname “National Felon League.” In fact, a national survey indicates 69% of Americans believe domestic violence is a serious problem in the league. NFL officials have responded by developing policies to address domestic violence and sexual assault. Despite numerous news articles highlighting these crimes, however, few researchers have actually researched whether NFL players are more likely to commit crimes than people in the general population.

Wanda Leal, Marc Gertz, and Alex Piquero contrast the arrest rates of NFL players with those of the general public from 2000 to 2013. Using data compiled by the San Diego Union – Tribune and USA Today, the authors looked at the arrest rates of 1,952 NFL players to the national arrest rates for males between the ages of 20 and 39 as reported in the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reports (UCR). They found that NFL players had significantly lower rates of property, public order, and total arrests than other young men, but higher rates of violent arrests (a statistically significant phenomenon in 6 of the 14 years they measured, particularly from 2004 to 2008).

Leal, Gertz, and Piquero’s preliminary study does not appear to support the theory that NFL players are especially likely to be arrested, as the general population had higher arrest rates in three of the four measured crime indices. Nevertheless, the study also provides some support for those concerned about violence crime committed by professional football players.

Women around the world leave their homes in economically disadvantaged, politically unstable countries in search of better income every day. One might assume that the act of venturing out—independent of husbands, fathers, and brothers—represents a break with traditional gender norms and unequal power dynamics between men and women. However, this is not always the case. In fact, Filipino women who travel overseas to do domestic work often frame their choice to leave in the opposite way—as an extension of their duties as wives, mothers, and daughters.

In 139 interviews with Filipino migrant domestic workers, Anju Mary Paul finds that these female migrants present their aspirations for work overseas as an extension of their duties as caregiving women in traditional Filipino households. Paul argues that the decision to migrate almost always begins with the individual woman who then presents the idea to family members for approval, anticipating potential resistance. In Paul’s interviews, family members opposed to migration may argue that working overseas does not follow traditional gender roles. For instance, parents argued it was not their daughter’s duty to work, but her husband’s. Other relatives criticized mothers for “abandoning their children.” In response, women often used the same gendered scripts: Mothers framed migration as the best way to be good mothers by providing money for their children’s education and well-being. Daughters emphasized their responsibility to care for parents and support younger siblings. And married women presented their potential earnings as a supplement their husbands’ incomes.

As exceptional as the Filipino females in this study may be, their case reminds us that even activities and choices that appear liberating for women can reflect and reproduce traditional gender norms and roles.

Higher education, whether it’s taking a few classes or earning a four-year degree, decreases the likelihood of individuals developing depression. Shawn Bauldry investigates whether college is a one-size-fits-all prescription, finding that higher education offers more protection from depression for people with lower incomes than it does for those already financially well-off.

Using nationally representative survey data that tracks individuals’ health from adolescents to adulthood (Add Health), Bauldry measures responses that indicate mental depression for individuals who have completed a bachelor’s degree, finished some college, or have not attended college and who are from either advantaged or disadvantaged backgrounds. The analysis controls for other factors like race, gender, and substance use. The results show that obtaining a college degree and attending some college provide similar levels of protection against depression across social strata, but these effects are magnified among those from disadvantaged backgrounds.

Bauldry explains the difference in effects with an idea called “resource substitution.” According to this theory, higher education can compensate for preexisting disadvantages by providing the means to access more health, social, and economic resources. Compared to peers from similarly disadvantaged circumstances, those who attend college have better outcomes in the job market, resulting in more financial stability and greater access to health and mental health resources. Additionally, finishing college (or even making it to college) may provide a sense of self-mastery that aids in overcoming the obstacles of a poor background.